
r.;:> 



Qass^ 

Book _ 



/ 



SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA) 



AN ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCH 



BY 



LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 



EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 

LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF 

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1917 



SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA) 



AN ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCH 



BY 



LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 



EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 

LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF 

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1917 



•Ft 



D. Of D. 
JUL 6 1917 






CONTENTS 



Page 

Introduction 437 

§ 1. Distribution and history 441 

§§2-17. Phonology 443 

§2. Vowels 443 

§ 3. Consonants . .' 444 

§ 4. Sound groupings . 445 

§ 5. Accent 447 

§ 6. Phonetic laws 447 

§§ 7-12. Vocalic processes 448 

§ 7. Diphthongization of l and u 448 

§ 8. Consonantization of i- and u- 449 

§ 9. Contraction 450 

§ 10. Vocalic hiatus 452 

§ 11. Vocalic harmony 452 

§ 12. Effects of accent 452 

§§ 13-17. Consonantic processes 454 

§ 13. Consonantic metathesis 454 

§ 14. Consonantic euphony 455 

§ 15. Simplification of double consonants 455 

§ 16. Modifications of t and k 456 

§ 17. Minor consonantic changes „ . . „ 458 

§ 18. Grammatical processes 459 

§ 19. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 459 

§§20-136. Morphology 461 

§§ 20-21. Prefixes 461 

§ 20. Prefix of relationship m- 461 

§ 21. Discriminative q- (qa-) 462 

§22-105. Suffixes 463 

§ 22. General remarks 463 

§§23-81. Verbal suffixes 465 

§ 23. Introductory 465 

§§ 24-26. Pronominal suffixes 467 

§ 24. The subjective pronouns 467 

§ 25. The objective pronouns 472 

§ 26. Position of pronouns in verbs accompanied by adverbial 

forms 479 

§§ 27-48. Objective forms 480 

§ 27. Introductory 480 

§§ 28-31. Indicative suffixes denoting personal interrelations . 481 

§ 28. Direct object of third person -un (-a%) 481 

§ 29. Direct object of first and second persons -ids (-aHs) . 482 

§ 30. Indirect object of third person -ux (-a%) 483 

§ 31. Indirect object of first and second persons -Emts. . . 483 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 28 433 



434 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§§ 20-136. Morphology— Continued p age 

§ 22-105. Suffixes— Continued 

§§ 23-81. Verbal suffixes— Continued 

§§ 27 — 48. Objective forms — Continued 

§§ 32-37. Indicative suffixes expressing possessive interrela- 
tions between object and subject 484 

§32. Introductory 484 

§ 33. Suffix indicating that the object forms an insepa- 
rable part of the subject -itx (-aHx), -tx 485 

§ 34. Suffix denoting that the object is possessed by the 

subject, but separable from it -utsm- (-afitsm-) 487 

§ 35. Suffix indicating that the object is possessed by a 

third person object -id (-aM) 489 

§ 36. Suffix expressing an object possessed by a first or 

second person ob j ect -ults (-afrits) 490 

§ 37. Suffixes denoting possessive interrelations for tenses 

other than the present -islti, -a^iti, -yaxaHi 491 

§§ 38-39. Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and posses- 
sive interrelations 493 

§ 38. Passive suffixes for verbs requiring in the active a 

double object -wie, -umE (-a^mE) 493 

§ 39. Passive suffixes denoting possessive relations of the 

subject -ultx, -xamltx 494 

§§ 40-48. Imperative forms denoting pronominal and posses- 

- sive interrelations - 496 

§40. Introductory 496 

§ 41. Exhortative suffixes expressing the direct object of 

the third person -yun, -iwyun, -ml 497 

§ 42. Imperative suffix expressing the direct object of 

the first person -Its (-aHs) 499 

§ 43. Imperative suffix indicating the indirect object of 

the third person -yux 500 

§ 44. Imperative suffix denoting the indirect object of 

the first person -imts 501 

§ 45. Imperative suffix denoting that the object is pos- 
sessed by a third person -il 501 

§ 46. Imperative suffix indicating that the object is pos- 
sessed by a first person -llts 502 

§ 47. Imperative suffix expressing possessive interrela- 
tions between object and subject -tsx 503 

§ 48. Exhortative suffix expressing possessive interrela- 
tions between object and subject -ItsmE ( -aHsmE) . 504 

§§49-64. Modalsuffixes 504 

§49. Introductory 504 

§ 50. Reciprocal -naw(a), -mux™- 505 

§51. Distributive -it'ax 507 

§52. Tentative -tc' 508 

§53. Negative -il {-aft) 508 

§§ 54-59. Modal elements of the passive voice 509 

§ 54. Introductory 509 

§ 55. Present passive -xam 509 

§ 56. Future passives in -atam, -l (-a 1 ) , -aa u 510 

§ 57. Past passive -xamyax 512 

§ 58. Passive verbs in -utn- (-aHn-), -unE (-a^nE) 512 

§ 59. Durative passives in -isutn- (-isiinE) -iisn- 514 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 435 

§§ 20-136. Morphology— Continued Page 
§ 22-105. Suffixes— Continued 

§§ 23-81. Verbal suffixes— Continued 
§§ 49-64. Modal suffixes — Continued 

§§ 60-64. Modal elements of the imperative and exhortative 

modes 516 

§60. Introductory 516 

§ 61. Imperative suffix for intransitive verbs -m 516 

§ 62. Imperative suffix for transitive verbs -Is (-ah) 517 

§ 63. Intransitive exhortative -ixmi ( -a l xm%) 518 

§ 64. Exhortative -I 519 

§§65-74. Temporal suffixes 520 

§65. Introductory 520 

§§66-70. Semi-temporal suffixes 520 

§66. Inchoative -st 520 

§ 67. Terminative -ixai (-a l xai) 521 

§ 68. Frequentati ves -atti, -itx (-aHx) 522 

§69. Curatives -is (-ah), -us 524 

§70. Intentionals -awax, -a,wun : 526 

§§71-74. True temporal suffixes 527 

§71. Introductory 527 

§ 72. Present-* 527 

§73. Future -«& . 528 

§74. Fast-yax 529 

§§75-77. Verbalizing suffixes 531 

§75. Verbalizing -a*, -0 531 

§ 76. Auxiliary -s, -t 532 

§ 77. Suffix transitivizing verbs that express natural phe- 
nomena -l! 533 

§§ 78-80. Plural formations 534 

§78. Introductory , 534 

§79. Plural -£«, -uwi 535 

§80. Plural -tx 537 

§ 81. Irregular suffixes -n (-in), -myax (-m) 538 

§§ 82-105. Nominal suffixes 539 

§ 82. Introductory 539 

§ 83. Diminutive -isFin 539 

§ 84. Augmentative -ilmd • 540 

§§85-87. Case-endings 540 

§ 85. Introductory 540 

§ 86. The locative case -a, -us 541 

§ 87. The relative or genitive case -Eml, -Em 544 

§ 88. The possessive suffixes 545 

§89-96. Adverbial suffixes 549 

§89. Introductory.. 549 

§90. Local suffix indicating motion -tc 549 

§ 91. Local suffix indicating rest -u (-a^) 551 

§ 92. Local suffix -ix (-a l x, -yax) 552 

§ 93. Local suffixes -ya, -ns 553 

§ 94. Adverbial suffixes indicating modality -itc (-aHc), - % na. 554 

§ 95. Adverbial suffixes indicating time -tita, -ita 556 

§ 96. Modal adverbs in -a 557 

§ § 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes 557 

§ 97. Nominal -ft« (-a#) , -u™ 557 

§98. Nominal -l (-a*) 559 



436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§§ 20-136. Morphology — Continued p ag0 
§ 22-105. Suffixes— Continued 

§§ 82-105. Nominal suffixes — Continued 

§§ 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes— Continued 

§ 99. Nouns of quality in -t'uu (-Vu^i) 560 

§ 100. Nouns of agency in -yaVx, -ll (-a l l), -t!, -t!wi 561 

§101. Nouns in -ax 562 

§ 102. Nouns in -uni (-a^ni) '. 563 

§ 103. Nominalizing suffix indicating place -a £ mu 563 

§ 104. Adjectives in -t 564 

§ 105. Irregular suffixes -Em, -isi, -wi, -yuwi, -iivi 564 

§§ 106-109. Eeduplication 566 

§ 106. Introductory 566 

§ 107. Duplication of the initial syllable 567 

§ 108. Duplication of final consonants 567 

§ 109. Duplication of stems i 569 

§§ 110-112. Vocalic changes 569 

§ 110. Introductory 569 

§ 111. The discriminative case 570 

§ 112. Intensity and duration of action 572 

§§ 113-115. The pronoun _. 575 

§ 113. The independent personal pronouns 575 

§ 114. The possessive pronouns 577 

§ 115. The demonstrative pronouns 579 

§§ 116-117. The numeral 586 

§ 116. The cardinals 586 

§ 117. The decimal system 587 

§§ 118-121. Theadverb ._, 588 

§ 118. Introductory .- 588 

§ 119. Local adverbs and phrases 588 

§ 120. Temporal adverbs 589 

§ 121. Modaladverbs 589 

§§ 122-133. Particles ._„..... 589 

§ 122. Introductory 589 

§ 123. Pronominal particles 590 

§ 124. Numeral particles 591 

§ 125. Conjunctions : 591 

§ 126. Temporal particles 593 

§ 127. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and emotional states. . . 594 

§ 128. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas. 596 

§ 129. Exhortative particles 597 

§ 130. Restrictive particles - 598 

§ 131. Miscellaneous particles 598 

§ 132. The suffixed particle -u ( r a«) 601 

§ 133. Thestemz.V^ 602 

§ 134. Nouns and verbs as qualifiers 603 

§ 135. Particles as verbs 604 

§ 136. The conditional clause 604 

§ 137. Vocabulary 606 

§ 138. Structure of sentences 607 

§ 139. Idiomatic expressions 608 

Texts 611 



INTRODUCTION 

In 1884 J. Owen Dorsey spent a month at the Siletz reservation, 
Oregon, collecting short vocabularies of the Siuslaw and Lower Ump- 
qua, as well as of other languages. Prior to Dorsey's investigations 
the linguistic position of Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua was a debated 
question. Some investigators believed that these two dialects belonged 
to the Yakonan family; while others, notably Latham and Gatschet, 
held them to form a distinct stock, although they observed marked agree- 
ment with some features of the Yakonan. After a superficial inves- 
tigation, lasting less than a month, Dorsey came to the conclusion 
that Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua were dialects belonging to the 
Yakonan stock. This assertion was repeated by J. W. Powell in his 
"Indian Linguistic Families" {Seventh Annual Beport of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, p. 134), and was held to be correct by all 
subsequent students of American Indian languages. This view, how- 
ever, is not in harmony with my own investigations. A closer study 
of Alsea (one of the Yakonan dialects) on the one hand 7 and of Lower 
Umpqua on the other, proves conclusively that Siuslaw and Lower 
Umpqua form a distinct family, which I propose to call the Siuslawan 
linguistic stock. 1 The term u Siuslaw" was given preference over 
" Umpqua "or "Lower Umpqua," in order to avoid the ambiguity of 
meaning which might arise from the fact that we have become accus- 
tomed to call the Athapascan dialect, spoken on the upper course of the 
Umpqua river, the " Upper Umpqua." 

The material on which the following sketch is based was collected, 
under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of 
Columbia University, on the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the 
months of March, April, and May, 1911. 

My principal informant was Louisa Smith, a Lower Umpqua 
Indian over 70 years of age. Her advanced years, her absolute 
lack of knowledge of the English language, her ill health, and, above 
all, the fact that prior to my arrival on the reservation she had 

J It is not at all impossible that this stock, the Yakonan, Kusan, and perhaps the Kalapuyan, may 
eventually prove to be genetically related. Their affinities are so remote, however, that I prefer to 
take a conservative position, and to treat them for the time being as independent stocks. 

437 



438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

not used her native tongue for a considerable period, rendered her 
a poor, though willing informant. In the course of this investiga- 
tion it was therefore necessary to employ such additional inform- 
ants and interpreters as were available. By far the most important 
of these was William Smith, an Alsea Indian and the husband of 
Louisa, who had spent his childhood among the Siuslaw Indians, 
from whom he had gained a fairly good knowledge of their language. 
But he, too, was far from being an ideal informant. His command 
of English was imperfect, his degree of intelligence rather limited, 
his pronunciation of Lower Umpqua was affected by Alsea pho- 
netics, and he was only too often unable to keep apart the Siuslaw, 
Lower Umpqua, and Alsea forms of a given word. However, in 
spite of these deficiencies, his services proved highly valuable, 
because, having previously assisted me in my work on the Alsea 
language, he knew more or less what was wanted of him. My 
other informants were Spencer Scott, a son of Louisa; Louis Smith, 
a full-blooded Lower Umpqua Indian; and Hank Johnson, the son 
of a Lower Umpqua father and of an Alsea mother. The three 
last mentioned were, comparatively speaking, young men, whose 
knowledge of Lower Umpqua was imperfect and rather vague. 
They were employed solely for the purpose of settling questions 
that pertained to phonetics, and of disentangling the frequent diffi- 
culties that were involved in the collection and translation of texts; 
and if I add that throughout the progress of this work, Louisa 
Smith was suffering from a severe ear-ache (which at times ren- 
dered her absolutely deaf), that William Smith had to undergo 
frequent surgical operations because of a poisoned finger, and that 
my other informants could give me only part of their time, I shall 
have mentioned all the difficulties under which the following mate- 
rial was collected. Should this sketch, therefore, be found deficient 
in completeness of treatment and clearness of interpretation, it will 
have to be accounted for by the extraordinary circumstances under 
which the work was conducted. 

But if the actual work involved in this investigation was rather 
trying and tiresome, there were other features connected with it that 
rendered it pleasant and enjoyable. These features consist of the 
many courtesies and helpful assistance received from the inhabitants 
of Siletz ; and it is a great source of pleasure to me to record my deep 
gratitude to these kind friends. My greatest obligations are due to 



Boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 439 

Superintendent and Mrs. Knott C. Egbert, to the former for his 
untiring efforts to. assist me, both officially and personally, in 
whatever way he could, and to the latter for the motherly care with 
which she attended to my personal wants throughout my stay at the 
reservation. My sincere thanks are also due to Dr. Maximilian F. 
Clausius, the physician of the Siletz agency, for the numerous tokens 
of friendship received at his hand. 
Columbia University, 

September 1 1911, 



SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA) 



By Leo J. Frachtenbekg 



§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY 

The Siuslawan stock embraces two closely related dialects — Lower 
Umpqua and Siuslaw — that were spoken by the people living on the 
lower courses of the Umpqua and Siuslaw rivers, in the southern part 
of Oregon. Their northern neighbors were the Alsea Indians 1 (whom 
they called Hani's hUc 2 ), on the east they came in contact with the 
Kalapu}^a (chiefly the Yonkalla tribe, known to them as the Qa if wqax), 
and on the south they were contiguous to the Coos ( Qui y ax). The terri- 
tory of the Lower Umpqua was bounded on the north by Five Mile lake, 
on the south by Ten Mile lake, while on the east they claimed the whole 
region adjoining the Umpqua river as far as Scottsburg. The posses- 
sions of the Siuslaw Indians extended as far south as Five Mile lake, on 
the north they bordered on the Yahach river, and eastwards they 
extended as far as Mapleton. Thus it may safely be assumed that 
these two dialects were spoken in the western parts of what are known 
today as Lane and Douglas counties. No information pertaining to 
the previous strength of these two tribes could be obtained. Their 
numbers have been so greatly reduced, that, besides the four indi- 
viduals who served as my informants, and the two or three Siuslaw 
Indians said to be living near Florence, Lane county, there are no 
other members living; and since these people no longer converse 
in their native tongue, the Siuslaw family may be looked upon as an 
extinct linguistic stock. 

1 One of the two members of the Yakonan family. 

2 For explanation of alphabet see pp. 443, 444. 

441 



442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The Lower Umpqua call themselves Qu'Uc, and refer to their lan- 
guage as Qu'ltcax wa'as. These terms are of native origin, and are 
formed from the stem qu'% or qo'l south. The Alsea called them Tkul- 
ina £ h', and they were known to the Coos as BUdjl'yEx, i. e. northern 
Indians. The Siuslaw refer to themselves as Ca'yucza, and were 
called Ca'yucLe by the Coos and Qwas or Kwas by the Alsea Indians. 
The etymology of these names could not be ascertained. 

Judging from the scanty notes on Siuslaw obtained by Dorsey and 
myself, the differences between this dialect and Lower Umpqua were 
very slight and of a purely phonetic and lexicographic character. No 
distinct morphological formations were found. The chief phonetic 
feature that seems to separate these two dialects is the change of a 
Lower Umpqua n into I in Siuslaw. 

Lower Umpqua Siuslaw 

pa' nil pa'l'u well, spring 76.12 

qanl'nal 19.6 qali'nal knife 50.19 

qa'nni qa'lni (D.) 1 face 

tsna'wi tsla'we (D.) bone 

lJcwa'miq u lkwa'hik u (D.) hat 

The lexicographical differences cover a limited number of stems and 
words, of which only a few examples may be quoted here. 

Lower Umpqua Siuslaw 

la'n- 23.7 Itcin- to call by name 

xip- y%q!a n - to split (pitch wood) 

iA'u- 8.3 xumc-to come, to approach 23.2 

t/amc 40.19 tli'lmis (D.) child 

xwd'Jca 29.5 qami'ms (D.) head 

ll'tla 1 34.23 wits/u'we (D.) food 

hlwl'yos 2 cqa'xic 3 dog 

led' tan 4 34. 10 ta u 'wEx (D. ) 5 horse 

Texts of myths and tales in the Lower Umpqua dialect were col- 
lected by the author, and were published by Columbia University. 6 
All references accompanying examples refer to page and line of that 
publication. 

1 Words marked (D.) are quoted from Dorsey's manuscripts in possession of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology. 

2 Coos kwl'yos. 

3 Apparently related to Alsea tcqenx. 

4 Chinook jargon. 

6 Related to Alsea tfawd'yu. 

6 Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 4. 

§ i 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 443 

PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-17) 
§ 2. Vowels 

The vowels have short and long quantities. Resonance vowels, 
marked here by superior vowels, are employed often, as is also the 
obscure vowel e, which seems to be related to short a. In some in- 
stances, due to contact phenomena, the obscure vowel partakes of the 
quality of a short o, and is represented here by °. The open e vowel 
appears to be lacking, while the long e frequently glides from e to I 
and resembles a long i. Significant pitch appears in a few cases (see 
p. 447). 

The a 1 - and a u diphthongs occur in two distinct forms, one with the 
initial element short or long (a\ a u , a\ a u ), and the other with the 
first element short and the second long (a 1 and a u ). The latter two 
forms are closely related to the long % and u with which they constantly 
interchange. This interchange usually takes place after a, A, m, n, q, 
a?, and /, although numerous instances will be found where the substitu- 
tion of a 1 and a? for % and u respectively has taken place after vowels 
and consonants other than those enumerated, or where the interchange 
does not occur at all. 

Examples of interchange between I and a 1 : 

%nq!a!% 30.23 inqla'a 1 river 30.20 

mUa'Um qamUa'aHinmy mother 100. 12 

si'nxlt 46.18 ci'nxaH he thinks 90. 15 

ti f k E nx here thou 56.19 ta l 'k E ns here we two (incl.) 

56.6 
hatc'l'xam he was asked 66.16 skwaha 1 ' xam, it is placed (in) 

tsl'klydn M'siti ha 1 1 am very tcPJPns aya'qaHl sl'xa 1 here 

glad 25.8 we two (incl.) shall leave 

our canoe 56.5 
Examples of interchange between u and a u \ 

waa'un 7.4 waa'aPn he says to him 20.7 

waxa'yutsmE he gave him tkwihaf haHsmE he buried his . . . 

his . . . 76.9 40.22 

h!imuL if Lun Jc!ima u L if Lun I am hitting him 

htyatsb'tsun he put it on 11.8 aqa'qcftn he took it off 13.1 

pilqHsu'ni made of raccoon hamxa^ni made of tied (grass) 

(hides) 70.23, 24 8.6 

Tta'lutun I tire him out M'laHin I am tired 

ydk/istfinii' Llaya' on a small mlklcC 1 ' Llaya' in a bad place 

place 38.19 ' 12.10; 13.1 

§ 2 



444 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The Siuslaw 1 system of vowels and diphthongs may be represented 
as follows: 

Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs 

a (e) i i o u u w y a 1 a u a 1 a u u l 

a a I % o u a 1 a u u l 

The umlauted a occurs rarely , and is pronounced like a in German 
wahlen; % is pronounced like the Slavic short y-vowel; and u indicates 
very short quantity. 

§ 3. Consonants 

The consonantic system deviates in a great mam^ respects from 
those of the neighboring tribes. Its chief characteristics are the total 
absence of the anterior palatal series (g\ k\ k'!, ar); the absence of 
all sonants excepting d; the presence of a palatal lateral (Z*); and, 
above all, the occurrence of a double series of glottalized explosives 
differing in the quality and amount of stress employed in their 
production. The real explosives are followed in this sketch by the 
sign of exclamation (!), while the glottalized stops of ordinary strength 
will be found accompanied by the apostrophe ('). The latter seem to 
be confined to the consonants of the dental series and to h. The surds 
t and h occur also as aspirated consonants. 

The following table illustrates the Siuslaw consonantic system: 

Sonant Surd Fortis Aspirated Spirant Nasal 

Velar . . _ . - q q! - x - 

Palatal _ - Jc(w) h!{w) ¥ - - 

Alveolar d t t/,f f s, c n 

Aff'ricative - fe, to ts/, tc! ■- 

ts\ tc' 

Labial - p p! (?) - - m 

Lateral - l l! l,l',l- 

Glottal stop £ 

Aspiration * 

y h w 7i u 

The palatal I' is pronounced like I in the English word lure. The 
glottal stop occurs seldom, and seems to be associated with the explo- 
sive character of the consonants following it, although I did not suc- 
ceed in verifying this connection definitely. The aspiration corre- 

i Whenever the term "Siuslaw" is used, it is to be understood as referring to the whole group, and 
not to the dialect only. 

§ 3 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 445 

sponds to the character of the vowels and consonants that precede or 
follow it: that is to say, after palatal vowels it is of a palatal character; 
while before the vowels a, o, and ft, and before velar consonants, it 
becomes guttural. When followed by a vowel, it is changed into an A. 

tutc- to spear 62.2 tuhatca'yun he spears it 

qaqun- to hear 30.18 qa! q u 7iantun he heard it 36.23 

s% to grow (intr.) 98.10 slhl'tdn xintyax I began to grow 

up 100.17 
qnu- to find qnu'Kun (they two) found it 56.9 

waJHux again shall . . . 11.2 waha'hun hfyats&'tmn again he put 

it on 12.1 

In some instances the aspiration results from the dropping of a t 
before a following n (see §§ 16, 58, 59). 

§ 4. Sound Groupings 
Clusters of two consonants are admissible, except w + any conso- 
nant other than ft. Whenever a w is followed by a consonant other 
than ft, it changes into a voiceless w, represented here by hu . Clusters 
of three or more consonants may occur medially or finally, provided 
a nasal or lateral forms the initial sound of such groupings. 

When, owing to grammatical processes, three consonants that can not 
form a cluster come into contact, an obscure or weak vowel (mostly 
e, a, or i) is inserted between two of the three consonants, thus facili- 
tating the pronunciation of the cluster. 

A similar insertion takes place in initial clusters beginning with m 
or ft, and between two consonants belonging to the same series. The 
latter rule applies to clusters in initial, medial, and final position. 
Examples of clusters consisting of w + consonant: 

aHcnaw- to trade mutually + aHcna fJl Huxts vou two will 

-tux -f -ts trade mutually 

Ldlnaw- to hit mutually + -Em Lolna fhw matc% you hit one an- 

+ -tci . other! 

xnl' w na he does 11.11 

Examples of avoidance of clusters in initial position: 

m- (prefix of relationship) mita father 54.22 

+ ta father 
m- (prefix of relationship) mUa mother 54.23 

+ la mother 



446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Examples of avoidance of clusters in medial position : 

winx- (to be afraid) + -nawa u x vAn E xna'wa u x they two were 

afraid of each other 86.1,2 
qdtx- (to cry) + -tux qd'txHux he will cry 

Examples of avoidance of clusters in final position: 

qatdnl'tx (to keep on going) qatcinVtxan 1 keep on going 

qa l x (night) + -nx qa ir x E nx (at) night thou . . . 

70.18 
ta l k (here) + -ns ta l 'k E ns here we two (inch) 56. 6 

Jia l q (ashore) -\--nxan ha i 'q E nxan ashore we (excl.) 

88.13 
hatc'a'yun (he asked him) hate" a'yunatci ye nskher74:.10 

+ -tci 
tcln- (to come back) + -nx tdfnanx they came back 72.23 

Examples of avoidance of clusters of consonants belonging to the 
same series: 

kumi'ntc (not) -\--tc kumi'ntcHc not his 92.15 

ants (that one) + ca'ya ants E ca'ya that penis 

plula'wax (he intends to hunt) plula'wax u x / tln we two (excl.) 
+ -xHbn intend to go hunting 54. 22 

lit!- (to eat) +-tux ll'tfHux (you) will eat 50.2 

tcint (how much) + to tc%nt E tEx suppose 38.20,21 

s E aH (such) +L/a' ai s E aH E Lfa' ai such a place 15.1 

Examples of clusters permissible in medial or final position: 

Final Medial 

tsinqlt poor 16.10 tsi'nqltanx you are poor 

lakwa'ultx (their) . . . was lakwa'ultxan my . . . was 

taken away 50.22 taken 

lohwl' xamltx his . . . was lakwl' xamltxa u x their two . . . 

taken away from him 54.14 were taken away from them 

The only consonantic cluster that does not seem to be permissible is 
the grouping, of nx + 7c. Whenever these three consonants would 
appear together in the above-named order, the x is always changed 
into a. 

tsiya'Llinx (you will be shot) ts { ya f l fina Jc u na you might get 

+ ~k u na shot 

k u wa'ninx(iheywi\l be beaten) Jc u wd"nina Jc u na they may be 

+ k u na beaten 

§ 4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 447 

An exception to this rule is found in the following sentence: 

Vlcwa'yunanx T^Wl'a 1 you may get (some) salmon 48.18 

In like manner the combination nx + u is changed into a" (see § 132). 

ya'quyunanx (thou art seen) yaq%Cyu f nana u thou art seen 

-f- -u (-a u ) here 

§ 5. Accent 

Siuslaw exhibits a stress accent, represented here by the acute mark 
('); and a pitch accent, designated by the mark f ). Only a limited 
number of enclitic and proclitic particles show no accent whatsoever. 
The pitch accent occurs mostly in monosyllabic words that have a 
short vowel, and lends to the syllable a sharp, abrupt intonation. Both 
accents are freely shifted from one syllable to another. It seems, 
however, to be a fixed rule that in the past tense the accent is placed 
on the first syllable, and that the locative case-endings and the adver- 
bial suffixes must be accented. 

hatqa'q he goes ashore 58.17 hai'qiqyax (having) cornea- 

shore 56.13 
qdxi'x it gets dark 64.19 qat'xixyax it became dark 34.4 

tPwatctt tcuna u x they two are t wa f tcitcyaxa u n I have been 

spearing it 56.15, 16 spearing it 66.17 

ts/ahi pitch 26.6 ts!Una! (locative case) 94.18 

1%'tla 1 food 34.23 litlaya' (locative case) 13.7 

lqa in tu log 32.21 Iqatuwlyu's (locative case) 

88.16 
pk%'t% lake 62.18 pVltlyu's (locative case) 34.11 

sl'xd 1 canoe 56.5 sExcfi'tc into the canoe 34.5 

qa'xun above, up 34.21 qaxuntcl'tG upwards 

s E a'tsa thus 8.7 s E ats% f tc in that manner 8.1 

ya a k/i f sFi?i very small 36.23 yaklisttinu' in a very small 

... 38.19 

§ 6. Phonetic Laws 

In both dialects a number of phonetic laws are found which affect 
both vowels and consonants. All phonetic processes are due either 
to contact phenomena or to the effects of accent. They may be sum- 
marized as follows: 
Vocalic Processes: 

(1) Diphthongization of % and u. 

(2) Consonantization of i- and u-. 

§1 5-6 



448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

(3) Contraction. 

(4) Vocalic hiatus. 

(5) Vocalic harmony. 

(6) Effects of accent. 

CONSONANTIC PROCESSES I 

(1) Consonantic metathesis. 

(2) Consonantic euphony. 

(3) Simplification of double consonants. 

(4) Modifications of t and h. 

(5) Minor consonantic changes. 

§§ 7-12. Vocalic Processes 
§ 7. Diphthongization of I and u 

This is by far the most important phonetic change, owing to the fact 
that it gives rise to a double form of stems that contain these vowels, 
and because it is employed in certain grammatical processes (see 
§§ 111, 112). The principle may be described as follows: For the 
purpose of expressing (in nouns) the discriminative case and (in 
verbs) intensity or duration of action, long i and u are changed into 
ya and wa respectively. 

Examples of diphthongization of I: 

hlna'yun he brings him 23. 2 htya'nyutsanx I'll take thee 

along 58.6 
hitsi'xam it is put on 11.8 Myatsi'tsun he is putting it on 

11.8 
%lqa ir he digs 84.2 a'ntsux ya'lqaFn those two (who) 

are digging (a hole) 84.5 
dix- to flop dh/atx it flops around 36.23 

ya'q u, hltunx thou shalt see yo^yaJwax he intended to see 

36.25 70.8 

H E nx k/i'nfcit they went to It Unity a' wax (I) intend to go and 

look for 60.5 look for 60.5 

Qa'aHcix along the North Fork qa^xtinyax along the sky 32.19 
32.19 

Examples of diphthongization of u: 

qunl'xam/imE it was poured qwa r nyux pour it into his . . . 

into his . . . 29.2 29.2 

L!xvJxu u n he knows it 40.16 Jcumi'ntc w ax tE*q L!x u 'wax u not 

they two anything knew it 
54.16 
§ 7 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



449 



laku'hun he takes it 
tutca'yun he spears it 64.12 

u la u x tkuma'yun they two 
made a dam 48.8 

u'ltl snow 76.10 

pEku'ya xaL!a if L/a' ai people 
make shinny-sticks 78.5 



lakwa'~ku u n he took it 64.10 
t°watci'tcuna u x they two are 

spearing it 56.15, 16 
Hns tkvia 'mlsun we two (inch) 

will keep on making dams 

48.14 
wait it snows 
a'ntsux jpakwa'wax those two 

(who) are about to play . . . 

shinny 78.10, 11 



Owing to the interchange between I and a 1 and u and a u (see § 2), 
these diphthongs are subject to the same amplification. 



M'qfaH he started 22.6 
mEqlaHx they dance 72.13 

qa'tMn Ie a l qa'qaHs (from) 

here he left me 60.4 
kaHVs he keeps on following 

92.7 



h%q!ya'a u it will be started 32. 1 
niEqlya'wax (I) intend to dance 

72.12 
ta l 'k E ns aya'qyun here we two 

(incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17 
Wwasiyu'tsana? you will follow 

me 92.3 



The change of I into ya often takes place in the third person sin- 
gular, which ends in -I (see p. 468). 



Li'wat/in 1 come frequently 

ci'nxyatlin I am thinking 

ha'Tcwat/in 1 fall frequently 

xi'l'xcin I work 

pEU'tcin I (am) ahead 
ya'q u hin I look 
si'nxin I want 



Ll'watll 68.5, (Li'wat/ya) he 

came frequently 
(m'^xyat !%) , cV n/xyat /ya 17.6 

he is thinking 
(ha'Jcwat/l), ha'hwatfya 90.12 it 

falls continually 
xi'l'xd 50.9, (xi'l'xcya) he was 

working 
pEM'tcya he was first 48.11 
ya'q ut ya he looked 70.16 
si'ntxya he desires 



§ 8. Consonantization of i- and u- 

The i- and u- elements of the diphthongs are changed into the semi- 
vocalic consonants y and w whenever they are followed by vowels of 
different qualities. This law affects also the simple short or long i- 
and u- vowels. 

§ 8 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 29 



450 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Consonantization of 



i-: 



pitca 1 ' (he goes over) + -a u x 
ll'tla 1 (food) + -a 

Jcu 1 (not) + -a u x 
qnulm 1 '- (he finds) + -a 1 
tExmu'ni (male) + -a 

xil'xel- (to work) + -a 1 
t!l (bear) + -un% 
si'nxi- (to desire) + -ion 

Consonantization of u- : 

Llya'a u (fire) + -a + -tc 



p%tca'ya u x they two go over 88.15 
yd' xatc'lst E nx lit lay a' for food 

you will always try to look 13.7 
Jcu r ya u x not they two . . . 98.11 
qnuhu'yun (they) found it 60.7 
la'huhyax tExmu'nya she took a 

mortal man 60.23 
xil'xcya 1 ' (they two) worked 48.10 
ttlyu'ni made of bear (hides) 70.24 
sifrtfxyun I want it 15.8 



wllu- (to affirm) + -axam 
xa'u (he died) -\--il 
xaftslu (two) + -a w x 

A peculiar case of consonantization seems to have taken place in 
the objective case tci'wa 32.20, formed from the noun tci water 36.20. 



hat'gmas mya'watc alongside of the 

fire 25.4, 5 
wllwa'xam he was assured 30. 11 
kumi'ntc xa'wll not he dies 15.8 
xa'ts! u wa u x two of them 40.18 



§ 9. Contraction 

Contraction of two or three vowels following in immediate suc- 
cession does not seem to be of regular occurrence, and there are no 
fixed rules governing this process. The following usages imy. how- 
ever, be stated to prevail: 

(1) Short or long i or u following a vowel of different quality form 
diphthongs. 

a 1 <a + i u l <u + i 
a u <a + u 

The combination i+u, however, does not form a diphthong (see 

§10). 

tEmu'- (to assemble) + -Uc tEmu if tc xint (they) assembled 

30.15, 16 
qa'ntcya (from where) +-%tc qantcy u 1 ' 'tc from where 
gatcu- (to drink) + -itxa^n qateu il 'txcfin (they) drink (from) it 

76.12 

(2) A short vowel preceding another short vowel or a diphthong is 
contracted with the following vowel into a short or long vowel or 
into a diphthong. 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 451 

a'tsa (thus) + -a u x a'tsa u x thus they two . . . 

waana'wa (to talk to each waana'wa u x they two talk to each 

other) + -a u x other 10.4 

s E a (this) + -a l xa u x s E a l 'xa u x on tnis they two . . . 

88.18 
xa'tsfu (two) + -a u x xa'tslux they two . . . 

yalqa'a? 1 (a hole) + -un yaHqaP-n (they) dig holes 84.5 

a u 'tcisi (camas) + -a u x a u 'tcisa u x yuwof camas they two 

dig 96.18 

(3) The obscure vowel s is contracted with all vowels preceding 
it into a vowel of a clear qualhVy. 

hau- (to quit) + -Em, ha'um quit! 

na (I) + -Einl namH of me 20.6 

s E a l 'na (him) + -Eml s E a i na'ml of him 

An exception is 

wa- (to speak) + -e??i wci! am speak! 

(4) Two long vowels of similar qualities immediately following each 
other are contracted into one long vowel. 

fEku- (to play shinny) 4- -us pEku' u s (locative case) 78.18 

A peculiar case of contraction has apparently taken place in the 
genitive case Iqlanu 1 'ml of hides 102.1, composed of Iqla'nu hide, and 
-Eml, the genitive case-ending (see § 87). 

Another process of contraction takes place whenever a personal pro- 
noun (see § 24) is added to the suffix -yaxs, which expresses the past 
durative tense (see p. 526), In such cases the suffix -yaxs is invaria- 
bly contracted into -loss. Attention may be called to the fact that in 
this case we are dealing with a process that is of a character opposite 
to the diphthongization of -I, which has been discussed in § 7. 

a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u 'slxsin I have been sleeping, 

instead of a u 'syaxs%n 

qatcu- to drink 76.13 qa'tcwa l xsm I have been drinking, 

instead of qa'tcuyaxsin 

PeJcu'- to play shinny 9.4 pa'fcu^xsanx you have been play- 

ing shinn}^, instead oipa'lcuyax- 
sanx 

lit!- to eat 13.10 ll'tllxs he has been eating, instead 

of ll'tlyaxs 

S 9 



452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 10. Vocalic Hiatus 

In cases where contraction has not taken place, two vowels occur- 
ring in immediate succession are separated by means of an inserted h 
or by means of the accent. No definite rules could be found that 
would show under what circumstances either of these processes may 
be employed. Separation of two vowels by means of an inserted h 
occurs more regularly than separation by means of accent. 

hi r q!a (dentalia shells) + -a?ni hlqlahaF'ni consisting of dentalia 

shells 70.6 
lxclvJ (pole) + -IriE Lxa u 'hmE with a spear (in his 

hand) 64.11 
mEkW (mother-in-law) + -Uin mEHi'hltin my mother-in-law 
Itfl'a 1 (salmon) + -anx Wlat'anx xaya 1 ' salmon they catch 

82.13, 14 
lVu (he came) + -un Llu'un he arrived 16.3 

§11* Vocalic Harmony 

The tendency towards vocalic euphony is so inconsistent in Siuslaw, 
that one is almost tempted to deny the presence of such a process. 
The two examples I have been able to find are extremely unsatisfac- 
tory and do not permit the formulation of any clearly defined rules. 

ha ir mut (all) + -Eml hdmutu'ml of all 

qa'xun high up, above 34.21 qa u 'xun on top 32.19 

§ 12. Effects of Accent 

Besides the frequent tendency to lengthen the vowel of the syllable 
on which it falls, or to lend to it a clear quality, the loss of accent 
shortens or obscures the quantity of the stem-vowel as soon as it is 
shifted to one of the suffixed syllables. This law appears with such 
regular frequency as to make it a characteristic trait of Siuslaw 
phonology. 

While examples covering the whole vocalic system could not be 
obtained, the following rules seem to prevail: 

(1) The a- , i-, and u- vowels of the stem, when they lose their 
accent, are changed into open i (written here i) or obscure vowels 
whenever they precede or follow non-labialized consonants. 

(2) These vowels are changed — for the sake of harmonization — into 
short u whenever they appear before or after labialized consonants 
or w. 

§§ 10-12 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



453 



(3) The unaccented diphthongs lose the second element, especially 
in cases where the stem-vowel is followed by the accented verbalizing 
suffixes -a 1 and -u l (see § 75). 

Examples showing the change of a-, i-, and u- vowels before or 
after non-labialized consonants: 



ma'tl dam 48.10 



tslaln pitch 26.6 
ma a tc it lay 32.22 



yax- to see 34.4 

tdin (they) came back 7.7 

tslLll' arrow 50.11 

sl'xd 1 boat 56.5 
smut''- to end 20.5 
hu u n- to be dark 34.8, 9 
sun- to dive 64.21 



mU% f yu' u the art of making dams 

48.11 
mEtl r txa u x they two always made 

dams 50.12, 13 
tslilna'tc with pitch 24.1 
m%tcu' wi many were lying 36.27 
mEtca'wanx they intended to lie 

down 38.23 
yixa'yun he saw it 58.13 
tcEnl'tc xint he went back 58.15, 16 
Ufa. Id? he shot 50.20 
ts%L!l'tc by means of an arrow 15.8 
SExcfi'tc into (a) boat 34.5 
smitfu 1 ' it ends 14.6 
hwinu if it is dark 
sinu if he dives 



Change of #-, i- (and u-) vowels before or after labialized conso- 
nants or w\ 



md'q u L crow 34.23 

ya'wlsun (you) will pick 36.18 

ttqwa'HEm trunk of a tree 

92.5, 6 
ml'kHux he will cut 



m u qwa' LEm of crow 34.21 

yuwa if he digs 96.18 

Uqutm%'a u x qaa p into the stem 

they two went 92.6 
?n u kwa i ' he cuts 



Treatment of diphthongs: 

xaHc- to roast (meat) 90.8 
p a a i Ln- to hunt 15.3 

a u s- to sleep 23.9 
tc!ha u c- to be glad 23.3 
q$H?- to dream 68.21 



xatca}' he roasts (meat) 

u l E nx jpaLmftx they are hunting 

82.16, 17 
asu if he sleeps 70. 2 
tcfhacu 1 ' he is glad 
qufa if he dreams 



Shortening of the stem-vowel frequently takes place after the suf- 
fixation of an additional syllable, regardless of whether the accent 
had been shifted or not. 

§12 



454 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



ya a 'xa l much, many 8. 5 



ya'xtux (ye two) will multiply 32.6 

yExa l 'tc w ax xi'ntls they (dual) con- 
tinually multiply 98.12 

t!i'mct!Hux (they) will raise chil- 
dren 32.3 

tcimtci'mya (locative case) 29.1 

In a few instances accent and suffixation have caused the loss or 
addition of a vowel, and hence that of an extra syllable. 



tlamc infant 40. 19 



tcimtca'mi ax 27.10 



qlutcu'ni woman 30.21 
mit/a'sWin step-father 
waa if mux u (they two) talk to 
each other 10.7 



qayu' wi nts stone 



qlutcna 1 ' (when) he marries 76.8 
m^Ws&'m^m my step-f atherl00.5 
waa'yEmxust (they two) begin to 

talk to each other 56.4 
waa p mxustx (they) began to talk 

to each other 64.20, 21 
qay u na'tsHc upon the rock 62.11 



§§ 13-17. Consonantic Processes 
§ IS. Consonantic Metathesis 

This change affects mostly the subjective suffix for the third per- 
son dual -a u x (see § 24), and (very seldom) the consonantic combina- 
tion n + s or n + ts. 

In the first instance -a u x is transposed into - w ax (contracted some- 
times into -ux) or whenever it is added to stems or words that pre- 
cede the verbal expression (see § 26). This transposition never takes 
place when the pronoun is suffixed to the verb, 



ts%m (always) + -a u x 

pEni's (skunk) + -a u x 

ants (that one) + -a u x 
s E atsl'tc (thus) + -a u x 
H (and, then) + -a u x 
an'tsitc (this his) + -a u x 



tsi'm w ax always they two . . . 

50.10 
ants pEni's w ax those two skunks 

88.6, 7 
a'ntsux those two 52.3, 5 
s E atsl'tc w ax thus they two 50.15, 16 
u 'l w ax and they two 
a'ntsitcx u these their two 50.4 



This transposition is seldom absent; and parallel forms, like a!ntsa u x 
and a'ntsux 50.12, sti'?na u x 50.21, and stl'm w ax 52.20, are extremely 
rare. As a matter of fact, the tendency towards the metathesis of 
-a u x is so great that it takes place even in cases where -a u x is suf- 
fixed to stems ending in a vowel. 

§13, 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 455 

qwoa'txa 1 (beaver) + -a u x qwoa'txa lw ax they two (he and) 

beaver 52.4 
tsimi'l'd (muskrat) + -& M # tsimU'a'wax they two (he and) 

muskrat 54.19 

The transposition of n + s and ts actually occurs in a few instances 
only, although I have no doubt that under more favorable con- 
ditions a greater number of cases could have been collected (see 
also p. 599). 

ants . . . Ka i qa i ' . . . when tsa f na u Ll'utux when it will come 

he comes ashore 82.5 (this way) 62.21, 22 

. . . ants tkwa'myax when it tsa'ntci if you . . . 74.8 
closed up 78.3 

leu* nats if not . . . 29.7 

§ 14. Consonantic Euphony 

This law requires that the consonants of the ^-series should corre- 
spond to the quality of the vowel preceding or following it. Hence 
all velar and palatal ^-sounds following a u- vowel become labialized. 
Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not possess anterior palatal 
sounds, harmonization of consonants does not take place after or 
before ^'-vowels. 

lh!anu'k u screech owl 86.1 lkwa'nuq u hat 

tcv!x u s vulva 90.16 tfa'ntuq/wi moccasins 

qo'x u m off shore 34.6 tslu'xwl spoon 

cuqwa'an roast 90.12 Jc!u x w%na 1 ' ice appears 76.13 

qb'q u knee cu'Jcwa sugar 1 

§ IS. Simplification of Double Consonants 

Double consonants, when not kept apart by means of an inserted 
weak vowel (see § 4), are usually simplified. This process especially 
takes place between two t and n sounds, in which case the repeated 
consonant is dropped. This phonetic law is of great importance; and 
it should always be borne in mind, because it affects the subjective 
suffix for the first person singular -/i, when following the transitive 
form in -mi. In such cases the subjective pronoun is invariably 
dropped; and since the third person singular has no distinct suffix, it 
becomes at times rather difficult to comprehend by which of these two 
persons a given action is performed (§§ 24, 28). 

i English loan-word. 

§§ 14-15 



456 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



hatca't (tall, long) + -tfu 
y%kt (big) + -?u wi 
wan (now) + -nxan 
s%'n l xyun (he wants it) + -n 
anxa'xaPn (he gives it up) + -n 
mi'ltcist (he begins to burn) + 

tx 
yakll'tc (in pieces) + -yax + 

-xam 

Compare, on the other hand, — 

Vkwa'yun (he takes it) + -nx 
hlwalnlsun (he keeps on tell- 
ing him) + -nx 



ha'tcfu' u a long (time) 48.2 
y%kfu' wi large size 
wo! nxan now we (excl.) 30.13 
si'^xyun I want it 30.4 
anxa'xa u n I give him up 60.11 
mi'ltcistx zaa' his mouth be- 
gins to burn 29.3 
yahlUcya'xam into pieces it 
was cut 29.4 



V-kwa'yunanx you get it 48.18 
L/wafnlsunanx you keep 
telling him 17.2 



on 



§ 16. Modifications of t and k 

Siuslaw seems to have a tendency to avoid as much as possible 
the clusters tn and Ten. Since the phonetic character of certain 
suffixes causes t and n to come into contact frequently, there are 
many cases of sound shif tings due to the influence of n upon the pre- 
ceding t. Combinations of this kind are the passive suffixes -utnE and 
-IsutnE (see § § 58, 59). In these cases the t closure is not formed, 
but replaced by a free emission of breath, thereby changing these suf- 
fixes into -uue and -IsunE respectively. It is not inconceivable that 
this process may have a dialectic significance, differentiating the Lower 
Umpqua and Siuslaw dialects, because it was noticed that William 
Smith (who spoke the latter dialect) never used the forms -utns and 
-IsutnE/ while his wife x (a Lower Umpqua Indian) invariably hesi- 
tated to acknowledge the correctness of the use of -unE and -IsunE. 
But as I had no other means of verifying this possibility, I thought it 
advisable to discuss this change as a consonantic process. The dialectic 
function of the process under discussion may be borne out further by 
the fact that in a good many instances these two suffixes occur in 
parallel forms. 



waa}' he says 8.9 waa'yutnE 20.6 
si'nxl- to desire 18.5 si'n^xyutnE 18.4 



waa'yunE he is told 
72.3 

si'rtxyujiE it is de- 
sired 20.4 



1 See Introduction. 



§ 16 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 

hate" - to ask 66.16 hatc'a'yutnE 68.3 



457 



xn% w n- to do 10.5 

waa if he says 8.9 



xni' w nutnE 62.9 
waa l 'sutn,E 24. 3 



iA'u- to come 8.3 l !%l ! wi' mtnE 26.2 



qaLX- to count 8.5 qa/LxutriE 62.8 



Idaho? he invites 

tutca 1 ' he spears 

62.2 
hakwa 1 ' he drops 
tquW he shouts 

92.6 
hali'tx they shout 

13.11 
c$Z'#- to move 27.3 
Uyats- to put on 

11.8 



hate' ay u' K tie he is 

asked 66.23 
xm' w nunE it is done 
waa v sunE he is con- 
tinually told 23.10 
Ll'wlsunE he is con- 
tinually approached 
26.6 
qa'LxisunE (they) are 
continually counted 
62.11 
tanx Tdaha'yutnE this one you are invited 

24.3 
tutca'yutnE it is speared 8.7 

hakwa'yunE it is thrown 8.7 
tqulu'yunE he is shouted at 78.3 

Ihall'sunE he is continually shouted at 
14.2 

dfl'xlsutnE he is continually shaken 27.2 
Jtfya'tslsutnE it is continually put on 11.7 



The verbal suffix -t expressing periphrastically the idea to have, to 
be with something (see § 76), is very often dropped when followed 
by the subjective pronouns that begin with n (see § 24; see also § 88). 

atsl't&ltin ha 1 thus 1 think s E atsi r tcin ha 1 thus 1 think 21.7 

na'mHltin wa'as my language na'mHln wdas my language 

36.13 
Lla'Uanxan our residence na'mHlnxan our . . . 102.5 
100.3 

hl ir slnxan hltsl' 1 good (was) our 
house 100.13 

The same tendency of dropping a consonant prevails in clusters con- 
sisting of k-\-n. 

ta a h (this here) + -nx tanx this one thou 20.6 

ta a k (this here) -\--nxan ta'nxan these ones we . . .25.3 

The dropping of k in these instances may also be explained as 
having resulted from the abbreviation of ta a k into tE (see § 115); 
the more so, as an analogous case is furnished by the local adverb 

§ 16 



458 BUBEAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

stimk there, which usually loses its k before all following sub- 
jective suffixes (see § 119). 

stimk (there) 30.18 + -nx sti'm E nx there they . . . 32.3 

stimkts (there you two) 32.12 stlmts there you two . . . 32.6 

stl'mtci there you (pi.) 32.8 

§ 17. Minor Consonantic Changes 

In this section those changes affecting the consonants will be dis- 
cussed, for which not enough examples could be found to permit the 
formulation of clearly defined rules. 

Here belongs in first place the apparent change of a sonant into a 
fortis in initial reduplication, a process exemplified by only three 
cases. 

L% r u- to come 9.2 L/iLlwi'sutriE he is continually ap- 

proached 26.2 
L/iL/wa'xam he is approached 
16.3 

tEinu'- to assemble 7.3 tlEmtfma'xam people assemble 

about him (passive) 23.3 

Another sporadic change is that of q and q! into k before the suffix 
of place -a £ mu (see § 103). 

yaq u '- to look 9.1 yikya s mu a place from where one 

can see, a vantage point 
ma'qll- to dance 28.7 mEkya e mu a dance hall 

Compare, however, on the other hand, 

yaq u *ya'waxan I intend to look 25.8,9 
mi'nqlyEm buy a woman! 

A third doubtful process consists in the change which the modal 
adverb ku* xyal'x almost, nearly (see § 121), undergoes whenever 
used with the subjective pronouns for the second person singular or 
third person plural (see § 24). In such cases the form obtained is 
always kwi'n E x yal'x thou almost, they almost, which may be ex- 
plained as a result of a simplification from Jcu i +-nx + xyal'x (see § 15). 

ku l xyal'x smu'tfa it almost is kwl'n E x yal'x kuna' w un you almost 
the end 10.9, 11.1 beat him 

kwinx yal'x ia'uM they had al- 
most arrived 66.25 

§ 17 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 459 

§ 18. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

All grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed in 
Siuslaw by one of the following four processes: 

(1) Prefixation. 

(2) Suffixation. 

(3) Reduplication. 

(4) Phonetic changes. 

Prefixation as a means of expressing grammatical categories is 
resorted to in only two instances. Almost all grammatical ideas are 
expressed by means of suffixes. A singular trait of the suffixes in 
Siuslaw is presented by the fact that the adverbial suffixes are added 
to the locative form of the noun and must precede the pronominal 
suffixes. Reduplication is practically confined to the formation of 
intensive and durative actions; while phonetic changes are employed 
for the purpose of forming the discriminative case and of expressing 
duration and intensity of action. 

§ 19. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

By far the majority of stems that constitute the Siuslaw vocabulary 
are neutral, receiving their respective nominal or verbal significance 
from the functional character of the suffix that is added to them. All 
stems expressing our adjectival ideas are in reality intransitive verbs. 

Of the two prefixes employed as a means of expressing grammatical 
categories, one indicates relationship, while the other points out the 
performer of an action. 

The suffixes are overwhelmingly verbal in character; that is to say, 
they indicate ideas of action and kindred conceptions. Hence they 
are employed for the purpose of expressing activity, causation, 
reciprocity, the passive voice, the imperative and exhortative modes, 
etc. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action are 
indicated by suffixes, as are also the possessive relations that may 
exist between the object of a sentence and its subject. All temporal 
ideas are conveyed by means of suffixes, and Siuslaw shows a remark- 
able development of this category, having distinct suffixes that 
express inception, termination, frequency, duration, intention of 
performing an action, as well as the present, future, and past tenses. 
Other ideas that are expressed by means of verbal suffixes are mainly 

SS 18-19 



460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

modal in character, indicating distribution, negation, location of 
action, and the attempt to perform a given act. 

Nomina] suffixes are, comparatively speaking, few in number, and 
express chiefly adverbial ideas, such as local relationships and instru- 
mentality. They are used, furthermore, for the purpose of forming 
abstract concepts, diminutive and augmentative nouns, and also ex- 
press cases of nouns. 

Ideas of pluralit}^ are hardly developed; for, with the exception of 
two suffixes that express plurality of the subject of the sentence, 
Siuslaw has no other grammatical means of indicating plurality of 
action or of nominal concepts. Distinct verbal and nominal stems for 
singular and plural subjects or objects, such as are employed in other 
languages, do not exist. Plurality of subject and object is sometimes 
indicated by particles. 

Reduplication expresses primarily repetition and duration of action ; 
while phonetic changes serve the purpose of denoting the performer 
and intensity of action. 

The grammatical function of particles covers a wide range of ideas, 
pertaining chiefly to the verb. Some express finality of action, sources 
of knowledge, emotional states, connection with previously- expressed 
ideas, others have an exhortative and restrictive significance. 

In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are 
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first per- 
son dual has two distinct forms, — one indicating the inclusive (i and 
thou), and the other the exclusive (i and he). In like manner the first 
person plural shows two separate forms, — one expressing the inclusive 
(i and ye), and the other the exclusive (i and they). 

The demonstrative pronoun, while showing a variety of forms, does 
not accentuate visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, and near- 
ness or remoteness, in relation to the three pronominal persons. 

The numeral is poorly developed, exhibiting forms for the cardinals 
only. Means of forming the other numerals do not exist. They are 
expressed mostly by the cardinals. The ordinals are sometimes indi- 
cated by means of an adverbial suffix. 

The syntactic structure of the sentence presents no complications. 
The different parts of speech may shift their position freely without 
affecting the meaning of the sentence. Nominal incorporation and 

§ 19 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 461 

words that are compounds of independent stems do not exist, and 
words denoting nominal or verbal ideas can be easily recognized 
through the character of their suffixes. 

MORPHOLOGY (§§ 20-136) 

Prefixes (§§20-21) 

Siuslaw has only two prefixes, — a fact that stands out most conspicu- 
ously when we consider the large number of prefixes that are found 
in some of the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes. Of these 
two prefixes, one is employed for the purpose of denoting nouns of 
relationship, while the other forms the discriminative case of nouns 
and pronouns. 

§ 20. Prefix of Relationship m- 

This prefix is found in a limited number of terms of relationship. 
All these terms occur also in Alsea, 1 and it is quite conceivable that 
they represent loan-words assimilated by means of this prefix. By 
far the majority of nouns expressing degrees of relationship occur 
without the prefix m~. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit 
an m to appear in initial consonantic clusters, the prefix is often 
changed into mi- (see § 4). 

The following is a complete list of all terms employed in Siuslaw 
for the purpose of denoting the different degrees of relationship. 

English Siuslaw 

Father mita 2 

Mother m%la 3 

Elder brother mdt/i' 4 

Younger brother m u u'sk u 5 

Elder sister misl'a 1 6 

Younger sister mictdi H 

Grandfather LipL, Lbpz'ma (see § 84) 

Grandmother IcamL, JcamL'md (see § 84) 

Grandson liml'sFin (see § 83) 

Granddaughter ItEko'n 

Paternal uncle, stepfather mit/a'sFin (see § 83) 

Maternal uncle t!d ta sits!V 

Paternal and maternal aunt Jcu'la 



1 See p. 437, note 1. * Alsea hdH*. b Alsea sa s a. 

2 Alsea td e a. 6 Alsea mu'tsik'. i Alsea t.'d'atsa. 

3 Alsea l¥i. 



20 



462 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Parent-in-law mE~kll' 1 

Son-in-law mu'n(%) 2 

Daughter-in-law te'mxan {?) 

Brother-in-law, sister-in-law ta'maxt 3 

Stepmother mUasFi'l'md (sec §§ 83, 84) 

Stepbrother mu u sJcu'l'ma (see § 84) 

Stepsister (?) 

Nephew (son of brother) lip 

Nephew (son of sister); step- t/cft* 
son 

Niece (daughter of brother) li'jjxan (?) 5 

Niece (daughter of sister); tinl 6 
stepdaughter (?) 

Term of relationship, by mar- xayu'sL 7 
riage, after the death of the 
person that caused this kin- 
ship 

In addition to these terms of kinship, I have obtained a few other 
stems, whose exact rendering did not seem to be very clear in the 
minds of my informants. Thus, William Smith maintained that 
qlatsi'nti* denoted elder sister; while Louisa Smith thought she 
remembered that taq!i f ivi signified brother-in-law. Other terms that 
may belong here are the nouns tcma'nl (rendered by my interpreter 
by cousin), that seemed to be used in addressing a non-related member 
of the tribe; ttfU'mu't friend, referring to a person outside the 
consanguinity and affinity group; tsVmqma people, folks; and tE q 
relative (see § 123). 

§ 21. Discriminative q- (qa-) 

This prefix is added to all terms of relationship and to all independ- 
ent pronouns for the first and second persons, whenever they are the 
subject of a transitive action or whenever the presence of both a 
nominal subject and object in one and the same sentence necessitates 
the discrimination of the subject. The discriminative case of nouns 

i Alsea mak-l. 
2 Alsea mun. 

a Alsea tcmxt sister-in-law. 

* Likewise so by Dorsey for "nephew." The use of this term for "stepson " contradicts the term for 
"stepfather." 
s frequently rendered cousin. 

6 The same contradiction as mentioned in note 4. 

7 Coos xa'yusLatc. 

8 Alsea qa'sint. 

§ 21 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



463 



other than terms of relationship is formed by means of an internal 
phonetic change (see § 111). The same case for the independent per- 
sonal pronouns for the third person will be found discussed in § 113 
(pp. 575 et seq.). The rules of consonantic clusters change this prefix 
frequently into qa- (see § 4). 



mita father 54.22 

m u u'sk u younger brother 56.6 

mtta mother 54.23 



na I 21.8 

na'han I 40.14 
nlxHs thou 50.16 



qamita'tc wi'ltcistun her father 

sent her 92.20 
H wan waha'ha u n qa'mskHc now 

again (said to him) his younger 

brother 56.20, 21 
a'l a q q%utci'l'7na ta'yun qamila'- 

a l tin one old woman kept (in 

her house) my mother 100.12 
tsVklyanx qna s%'n l xyuts very 

much thee I like 22.7 
Llxu'yun qna'han I know it 19.9 
JiV'sanx ma'nisuts qnl'xHs well 

thou shalt always take care of 

me 22.2, 3 
Hnx qnVxHs xnl' w nisun and you 

will continually do it 98.10 
qna'xun LElu'yuts we two (excl.) 

hit thee 
qna'nxan ya'q w Msuts we (excl.) 

will watch thee 72.6 
qwatc Llxu'yun he who knows it 

44.8 
lcwni'ntc E nl qwatc Jcu r nisuts not 

us (excl.) anybody will ever 

beat 72.17 



Suffixes (§§ 22-105) 
§ 22. General Hemarks 

Besides the few ideas that are conveyed by means of other gram- 
matical processes (such as prefixation, reduplication, etc.), Siuslaw 
employs suffixation as a means of forming practically all of its mor- 
phological and syntactic categories. These suffixes are either simple 
or they are compounded of two or more distinct formative elements. 
The compound suffixes usually have the cumulative significance of 
their separate component parts. In many cases, owing to far-reaching 

§ 22 



na u, xun we two (excl.) 36.15 

na'nxan we (excl.) 

watc who, somebody 10.1 



464 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



phonetic changes, the derivation of the compound suffixes can not be 
given with certainty. 

From a functional point of view all suffixes may be divided into a 
verbal and a non-verbal group; the former used in the formation of 
verbal ideas, the latter employed for the purpose of conveying gram- 
matical concepts of a nominal, adjectival, or adverbial character. In 
one or two instances we do find a suffix denoting both verbal and 
nominal ideas. This is especially true of the suffix -u u , -u wi , which 
may indicate an act performed by several subjects, or else the abstract 
concept of that action (see §§ 79, 97); and of the auxiliary -£, which is 
also employed in the formation of a number of words denoting adjec- 
tival ideas. (See §§ 76, 104.) While it might have been more proper 
to discuss such suffixes in a separate chapter as "Neutral Suffixes," 
practical considerations have induced me to treat them in accordance 
with their functional values, notwithstanding the fact that this treat- 
ment entails some repetition. 

The majority of Siuslaw stems are neutral, and receive their respec- 
tive nominal or verbal meaning from the nature of the suffix that is 
added to them. There are, however, a few stems denoting adverbial 
ideas that can under no circumstances be amplified by nominal suffixes. 
Furthermore, it seems to be a general rule that nominalizing suffixes 
can not be added to a stem that has already been verbalized by some 
verbal suffix ; while numerous instances will be found where a stem 
originally developed as a verbal idea, and nominalized by means of 
suffixes, can again be verbalized by adding to the derivative noun an 
additional verbal suffix. 

The following examples will serve to illustrate the three possibilities 
that prevail in the derivation of verbs and nouns. 
(1) Neutral stems: 

Stem. 

ts%Lf- to shoot 8.6 
{U/- to eat 13.10 
hits- to live 
ult- to snow 
tsxa 1 - to shine (?) 



Verb 

tsbL/a? he shoots 10. 3 
lH!a>' he eats 44.19 
h l yatsvb wi they live 
wait it snows 
tsxdya 1 ' Lfa'a 1 day 



llq- to dig 80.6 



breaks 50.3 
a'ntsux ya'lqcftn they 
two dig (the ground) 

84.5 



Noun 

tsl l L!l arrow 50.7 
li't/a 1 food 34.23 
Mtsl H house 25.2 
u'ltl snow 76.10 
tsxayu rwi day, sun 

7.3 
yalqa'a 11 hole (in the 

ground) 84.6 ' 



22 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



465 



(2) Adverbial particles: 



s E a!tsa thus 8.7 




ya'tsa s E a'ts E yax for a long time 

he did it thus 11.3, 4 
s E atsl'xamyax thus it was done 






32.16 




waha! again 19.5 




waha'haFn 
to him) 
56.21 


qa'mskHc again (said 
his younger brother 






wa'Hunx 


m u qwa r LEmtc wa'as 






you will again (talk) Crow's 
language 38.8, 9 1 


(3) Nouns: 


Noun 




Verb 


qi'utc female 
52.17 


qluicu'ni 
30.21 


woman 


qlutcna 1 ' (when) 
he marries 76.8 


phctc-f 


plctcsm 
46.11 


summer 


pictcima*' (when) 
it gets summer 

54.2 


waa- to speak 7.1 


wa'as language 


s E a i na f mltc wa'as 




34.21 




wa a ' syaxa^n his 








language he 
spoke 36.14 



Verbal Suffixes (§§ 23-81) 

§ 23. INTRODUCTORY 

The study of the verbal suffixes of Siuslaw brings out a strong ten- 
dency to phonetic amalgamation between different groups of suffixes, 
by which the component elements are often obscured. For this 
reason the question of an ultimate relationship between many of the 
suffixes that occur in Siuslaw can not be ascertained as easily as 
might seem at first sight, owing chiefly to the fact that in most of the 
compound suffixes the originally separate elements have undergone 
considerable phonetic changes and have become to a large extent 
petrified. However, a careful examination of the phonetic composi- 
tion of those suffixes that convey kindred psychological and gram 
matical concepts will show that certain phonetic elements of a given 
suffix may have served originally to conduce one leading idea, and 
have amalgamated, in the course of time, with other suffixes, thereby 
showing a genetic relationship between many of the verbal suffixes. 



i See also § 185. 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 30 



§ 23 



466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY % [bull. 40 

Thus, -u may have had primarily a transitive indicative function 
occurring in the suffixes -un (see § 28), -uts (see § 29), -ux (see § 30), etc. 
In like manner, -ts- may have been the proto-suffix that indicated pro- 
nominal relations between subject and object, being present in suffixes 
like -uts (see § 29), -Emts (see § 31), -utsm- (see § 34), -ults (see § 36), 
-Its (see § 42), etc.; and -I- seems to have been originally a modal 
suffix, denoting chiefly the possession of the object of the verb by 
another person or thing, because it is found in suffixes like -ul 
(see § 35), -ults (see § 36), -ll (see § 45), -Uts (see § 46), etc. To all 
appearances -I must have been an independent suffix implying a com- 
mand, for it enters into composition with imperative and exhortative 
suffixes like -Is (see § 62), -Its (see § 42), -Imts (see § 44), -ll (see § 45), 
-Uts (see § 46), -lxm% (see § 63), -Inl (see § 41), etc.; and -tc was 
undoubtedly the general adverbial suffix. 

The following table will best illustrate the plausibility of relation- 
ships between some of the suffixes that occur in Siuslaw. The forms 
marked with an asterisk (*) represent the probable original suffix, 
while the other forms indicate the suffixes as they appear today. 

*-u indicative -uts direct object of first and sec- 

-un direct object of third per- ond persons (see § 29) 

son (see § 28) -Emts indirect object of first and 

-uts direct object of first and second persons (see §31) 

second persons (see § 29) •&** object possessed by subject, 

-ux indirect object of third but separable from it (see § 34) 

person ''see § 30) ~ u ^ s object possessed by a first or 

-uUra object possessed by sub- second P erson ob i ec t < see § 36 > 

ject, but separable from it " to imperative with direct object 

(see § 34) of the first P erson ( see § 42 ) 

, , . , , il . , -lints imperative with indirect ob- 

-ul object possessed by a .third of the firgt n 

person object (see § 35) __^ impemtive with object pog . 

-ults object possessed by a first segsed by a first person (see § 46) 

or second person object (see _ te i mpe rative expressing posses- 

§ 3") sive interrelations between ob- 

-yun, -l w yun exhortative (see ject and subject (see § 47) 

§ 41 ) * -UsmE exhortative expressing pos- 

-a w un intentional (see § 70) sessive interrelations between 

*-ts pronominal relations be- object and subject (see § 48) 

tween subject and object *-% imperative 
§ 23 



BOAS J 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



467 



-l w yun, -%nl exhortative with 

direct object of the third 

person (see § 41) 
-Its imperative with the direct 

object of the first person (see 

§42) 
-lints imperative with indirect 

object of the first person (see 

§44) 
-%l imperative denoting that 

object is possessed by a third 

person (see § 45) 
-llts imperative denoting that 

object is possessed by a first 

person (see § 46) 
-UsmE exhortative with posses- 
sive interrelations between 

object and subject (see § 48) 
-Is imperative for transitive 

verbs (see § 62) 
-ixmi intransitive exhorta- 



*-2 possessive interrelations be- 
tween object and subject 

-ul object possessed by a third per- 
son object (see § 35) 

-ults object possessed by a first or 
second person object (see 
§36) 

-ultx, -xamltx passive with posses- 
sive relations of subject (see 
§39) 

-ll imperative denoting that object 
is possessed by a third person 
(sec § 45) 

-llts imperative denoting that 
object is possessed by a first 
person (see § 46) 

-1(1) exhortative (see § 64) 

*-to adverbial 

■44 tentative (see § 52) 

-to local (see § 90) 

-Itc modal (see § 94) 



tive (see § 63) 
In discussing these suffixes it seems convenient to begin with the 
group that appears in the sentence in terminal position and proceed 
backwards with our analysis. According to this treatment, we may 
distinguish — 

(1) Pronominal suffixes. 

(2) Objective forms. 

(3) Modal suffixes. 

(4) Temporal suffixes. 

(5) Verbalizing suffixes. 

(6) Plural formations. 

(7) Irregular suffixes. 

PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES (§§ 24-26) 
§ 24. The Subjective Pronouns 

The pronouns denoting the subjects of an action, transitive and 
intransitive, as well as pronominal objects, are expressed by' means of 
suffixes that invariably stand in terminal position. The third person 
singular has no distinct form. The first persons dual and plural have 

§ 24 



468 BUREAU 0E AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

distinct forms for the inclusive and exclusive. The same pronouns 
are used for all modes and voices. In the imperative the second per- 
son singular is omitted. 

The following table will serve to illustrate what may be called the 
fundamental type of the subjective pronouns: 

Singular Dual Plural 

1st person sing. . ] , 

Inclusive du. and pi. J 

2d person nx -ts -tci 

3d person - -a u x -nx 

Exclusive du. and pi. . - -a w xun, -axun -nxan 

It would seem that the exclusive forms are derived from the third 
persons dual and plural and the first person. 

These suffixes appear also in the independent personal pronouns (see 
§ 113). The suffix for the first person singular, -n, disappears regularly 
after the transitive -un (see § 15), and the confusion that might arise 
from the fact that the transitive form for the third person singular 
ends in -un also, is avoided by accentuation of the first person singular 
as the subject of an action by the additional use of the independent 
pronoun that either precedes or follows the verb. 

The second person singular and the third person plural happen to 
consist of the same phonetic elements, -nx. Ambiguity of meaning in 
both forms is avoided by addition of the independent personal pro- 
nouns. The suffix for the third person dual undergoes frequent 
changes, which have been fully discussed in § 13. 

The rules regulating consonantic clusters require the insertion of an 
obscure (or weak) vowel between stems ending in a consonant and 
any of the subjective suffixes that begin with a consonant (see § 4). 

According to the manner in which the subjective pronouns are 
added to a given verbal stem, the verbs may be divided into the live 
following distinct groups: 

(1) Verbs that add the pronominal suffixes directly to the stem or 
that take them after the verbalizing suffixes -a 1 and -u\ 

(2) Verbs that end in -I. 
§ 24 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 469 

(3) Certain verbs that end in x. 

(4) Verbs that express the third person singular by means of stem 
amplification (see § 112). 

(5) Verbs that end in -a. 

The first group presents no difficulties whatsoever. The subjective 
pronouns are added directly to the stem or else follow the verbalizing 
suffixes -a 1 and -u l (see § 75) . 

A number of verbs seem to end in -%, which undergoes a pho- 
netic change whenever the pronominal suffixes are added to it. Thus, 
it is shortened when followed by the pronoun for the first person 
singular, and it undergoes the process of diphthongization (see § 7) 
whenever a pronoun for any of the other persons is added to it. 
Whenever the third person singular is to be* expressed, the verb 
appears with -% which is often diphthongized into -ya. Verbs that 
take the tentative suffix -tc' (see § 52) and the frequentative -atll 
(see § 68) are treated similarly. 

A peculiar treatment is accorded to certain verbs that end in x. 
Here belong only such verbs as have been amplified by means of the 
modal suffix -If ax (see § 51) and of the temporal suffixes -awax, -tux, 
and -yax (see §§ 70, 73, 74). These suffixes do not change their pho- 
netic composition when followed by the pronouns for the first person 
singular and second persons dual and plural. However, as soon as 
the subjective pronouns for any of the other persons are added to 
them, the final x disappears. An exception to this rule is offered by 
the future -tux (see § 73) when followed by the pronoun for the third 
person dual. In this case the final x is always retained. Whether 
the disappearance of the x is due to contraction or to other causes, 
can not be said with any degree of certainty. 

The last two groups comprise verbs the stems of which undergo a 
process of amplification whenever the third person singular is to be 
expressed. Verbs belonging to the fourth group show an internal 
change of the stem, while those of the fifth group add an a to the 
bare stem. A full discussion of the phonetic character of these two 
processes will be found in § 112, .p. 574. 

§24 



470 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Trull. 40 



In accordance with these five types of verbs, the following tabular 
arrangement of the pronominal suffixes may be presented: 





1st type 


2d type 


3d type 


4th type 


5th type 


(Singular . . . 

1st personj Dual (incl.) . . 

(Plural (incl.) . 


-n 

-ns 

-nl 


-'in 

-yam 

-yanl 


-xan 

-ns 

-nl 


-n 

-ns 

-nl 


-n 

-71S 

-nl 


(Singular . . . 

2d person j Dual .... 

(Plural .... 


-nx 

4, 
-tct 


-yanx 

■yats 

-yatct 


-nx 
■xts 
-xtci 


-nx 
-ts 
-tci 


•nx 
-ts 
-tci 


(Singular . . . 
3d person L ual _ 

[plural .... 


— , -at, -ui 

-aux 
-nx 


-I, -ya 

-yaux 
-yanx 


-X 

-xaux,-aux 
-nx 


/Amplified! 
\ stem / 

-avx 

-nx 


-a 

-aux 
-nx 


Exclusive 


Dual .... 
Plural .... 


J -auxun 
\ -axtin 
-nxan 


-yauxun 

-yaxun 

-yanxan 


-auxun 

-axun 

-nxan 


-auxun 

-axun 

-nxan 


-auxun 

-axun 

■nxan 



(1) Pronominal suffixes added directly to the stem or following the 
verbalizing -a? and ~u l : 



winx- to be afraid 17.6 
waa- to speak 7. 1 
winx- to be afraid 17.6 
lna u w- to be rich 76.3 
Iqaq- to pass wind 86.7 
tsinq/- to be poor 16.10 
lH!a> he eats 46.5 
tsinq/- to be poor 16.10 

tcin- to come back 
skwa- to stand 10.9 
tqul- to shout 52.8 
smu£- to end 8.8 
qa't&nt he goes 12. 
xint- to start 23.1 
tsinq!- to be poor 16.10 

yuwa 1 ' he gets pitch 96.18 

nEqu if tx- to be cold 



wi'nxiri I was afraid 58.22 
waa v n I say 

wi'nxins we two (incl.) are afraid 
lna u 'wanl we (incl.) are rich 
Iqa'qanx thou passest wind 86.14 
tsi'nq/ats you two are poor 
IH/a'yats you two eat 
tsi'nq/atci you are poor 
tsinq/ he is poor 
tcin he returned 7.7 
skwaha 1 ' he stands 14.4 
tqulu 1 ' he shouted 92.6 
smifu 1 ' it ends 14.6 
qa't&ntd^x they two go 23.1 
xVnianx they started 88.20 
tsi'nq/aPx'Qin we two (excl.) 

poor 
yuwa f ya u xiXn we two (excl.) 

get pitch 94.17, 18 
nEqu v txanxan we (excl.) are cold 

76.20 



are 



will 



§24 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



471 



(2) Pronouns added to verbs that end in I: 
xVl'xei- to work 50.3 



sVnxl- to desire 18.5 
tvi'nH- to work 50.6 
xi'l'xei- to work 50.3 



(3) Pronouns added to certain verbs that end in x 



xi'l'xdn I work 

xVl'xcyans we two (inch) work 

xi'l'xcyanl we (incl.) work 

sb'rtfxyanx (if) you desire 44.6 

sVrixyats you two desire 

wi'nkyatd you are working 

wVnkfh he is working 

xVl'xci (xVl'xcya) he is working 
50.9 

x% f l'xcya u x they two work 

xVl'xcyanx they work 

xi'l'xcya u xun we two (excl.) are 
working 

xVl'xcyanxan we (excl.) are work- 
ing. 

I 



qatc E n- to go, to start 8.2 
aq- to run away 52.10 

L% r u- to come 8.3 

aq- to run away 52.10 



xwIl!- to return 12.6 



hutc- to play 8.8 
lVu- to come 8.3 
ta* it lives 32.21 
milcu'- to cut 82.14 
tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 
Ll'u- to approach 8.3 
aq- to run away 88.3 

to 1 it lives 32.21 
Ll'u- to approach 8.3 

aq- to run away 88.3 



qa'ttfntuxan I shall go 22.2 
aqa'waxan I intend to run away 

90.21 
Ll'uyaxan I came 
a'qtuns we two (incl.) shall run 

away 92.2 
aqa'wans we two (incl.) intend to 

run away 90.23 
xwI'lHuiH we (incl.) shall return 

60.9 
xivi' Lfyanl We (incl.) have returned 
hvftctunl we (incl.) shall play 7.2 
Llwa'wanx you intend to come 25.8 
ta if yanx thou didst live 
ml'JcHuxts you two will cut 90.5 
tEmu' tuxtci you shall assemble 30.7 
Li'utuxhe will come 8.9 
aqa'wax he intends to run away 

86.15 
tat'yax (if) he lives 44.12 
L%u f tuxa u x they two will come 
Ll'uya u x they two came 
aqa'wa u x they two intend to run 

away 86.18 



§ 24 



472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

aq- to run away 88.3 aqa' 'wa u xun we two (excl.) intend 

to run away 
lI'u- to approach 8.3 Ll'utunxan we (excl.) will come 

30.11 
m'uyanxan we (excl. ) have come 

(4) Amplification of stem: 

llq- to dig 80.6 yalq (they two) dig 84.7 

citx- to flop c l yatx (they) flop (around) 36.23 

ha u '- to be ready 8.10 ha'wa it is ready 23.10 

Lion- to tell 16.9 L. f wa a n he relates 16.6 

(5) Verbs that end in -a: 

hau'- to quit 11.4 ha'wa it is ready 23.10 

via- to speak 7.1 waa' he said 12.10 

qaJt&n- to go 12.1 qa'tc M na he goes 36.1 

wllw- to affirm 17.7 wllwa' he affirms 58.9 

§ 25. The Objective Pronouns 

The same forms as those discussed in § 24 are used to express the 
pronominal objects. In these terms the verbal stem is followed by 
an objective element, which in most cases is followed first by the 
pronominal object, then by the pronominal subject. In all cases 
where this composition would bring two consonants into contact they 
are separated by a weak vowel (a or t). 

The objective elements here referred to are -un, which expresses the 
relation to the third person object, and -tits, which indicates the rela- 
tion to the first and second persons. These will be treated more fully 
in §§ 27-29. 

In all forms that express a relation of a second person subject or of 
an exclusive subject to a singular pronominal object, the latter is 
omitted, and the pronominal subject follows directly the objective 
element before referred to. Perfect clearness is attained here, since 
the objective element defines the person of the object. Thus the 
forms thou, ye two, ye, acting upon either first or second person, 
can refer only to the first person; I and he, and I and they, only to 
the second, for otherwise they would be reflexives. In the combi- 
nation I-thee the subject is omitted. In the combinations I-him, 
1-them two, I-them, the subject pronoun -n seems to have been con- 
tracted with the n of the objective element (see § 15); while in 
they-me the order of subject and object is reversed. 

§ 25 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 473 

These phenomena may be indicated in the following tabular form: 

I. OBJECTIVE FORMS FOLLOWED BY SUBJECT 



Third person object 


First and second persons objects 


Subjects 


Subjects 


Singular 


Dual 


Plural 


Singular 


Dual 


Plural 


Inclusive . 
Exclusive . 
2d person . 
3d person . 


-unanx 
-tin 


esse 
s s s s 


-unanl 
-unanxan 
-unatct 
-unanx 


Inclusive . 
Exclusive . 
2d person . 
3d person . 


-utsanx 


-utsauxun 
-fdsats 


-utsanxan 
-iitsatci 



II. SUBJECT OMITTED 

I-thee — utsanx. 
III. INVERSION OF SUBJECT AND OBJECT 

they-me — utsanxin. 

iv. sequence: object-subject 

All dual and plural objects; all third person subjects (except they- 
me). 

The following table may serve to illustrate more fully the forms 
that are used in Siuslaw to express relations between subject and object. 
Suffixes marked with an asterisk (*) are forms reconstructed by analogy. 





Singular 




i 


Thou 


He 


m So 


Me 

Thee 

Him 


-^utsanx 
-un 


■utsanx 

-unanx 


-utstn 

-utsanx 

-un 


S3 

A 


Inclusive .... 
Exclusive. . . . 
You 

Them * . . . . 


-utsatstn 
J -unanxtn 
\ -un 


*-ntsauxnnanx 

-unauxanx 
-unanx 


-utsans 

-idsa^xun 

-utsats 

•'tinaux 

-un 


1 
3 


Inclusive .... 
Exclusive. . . . 
You 

Them 


•utsatctn 
J -unanxin 
\ -un 


*-idsanxananx 

-unanxanx 
•unanx 


-utsanl 

-utsanxan 

-utsatct 

•unanx 

-un 



§ 25 



474 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 





Dual 




Inclusive 


Exclusive 


Ye 


They 




Me 

Thee .... 
Him .... 


-imam 


-ittsauxtin 
-imauxun 


-idsats 
-imats 


-iitsinaux 
*-idsanxaux 
-iinanx 


3 

3 


Inclusive . . 
Exclusive . . 
You .... 

Them .... 


J -unauxans 
1 -iinans 


-idsatsauxtin 
-unavxauxun 
-imauxun 


-idsauxtinats 

-itnauxats 
-itnats 


-idsansaux 
*-idsaux'tinav-x 
*-idsatsaux 


"3 

5 


Inclusive . . 
Exclusive . . 
You .... 

Them. . . . 


f -unanxans 
\ -iinans 


•idsatcyaxtin 
-imanxauxfin 
-iinauxun 


-idsanxanats 

-imanxats 
•unats 


*-idsarilaux 
-idsanxanaux 
-idsatcyaux 
-iinanxaux 
-imaux 




Plueal 




Inclusive 


Exclusive 


You 


They 




Me 

Thee .... 
Him . . . : 


-imanl 


-idsanxan 
-imanxan 


f -idsatct 1 
{ -idSinatcl J 

-'imatci 


-idsanxln 

*-utsanxanx 
-imanx 


"3 


Inclusive . . 
Exclusive . . 
You .... 

Them .... 


J -imauxanl 
\ -imanl 


-idsatsanxan 
-ima«xanxan 
•imanxan 


*-iitsauximatei 

-imauxatci 
-imatci 


*-idsansanx 

*-idsauxunanx 

*-idsatsanx 

-imauxanx 

-iinanx 


"5 


Inclusive . . 
Exclusive . . 
You .... 

Them .... 


J -itnanxanl 
\ -imanl 


-idsatcyanxan 
-unanxanxan 
-imanxan 


-idsanxanatci 

•imanxatci 
-imatci 


-idsanlanx 
*-ii tsanxananx 
-idsatcyanx 
-unanxanx 
-unanx 



While all these forms may actually appear suffixed to the verb, 
there prevails a tendency (discussed on p. 479) to suffix the subjective 
pronouns to adverbial terms preceding the verb rather than to the 
verb itself. This transposition of the suffixes for the subject of the 
action considerably lessens the syllabic quantity of the whole verbal 
expression. 

The pronoun I-thee coincides phonetically with the form for 
thou-me; and in order to avoid ambiguity of meaning, the subjects 

S 25 



BpASJ HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 475 

of these combinations may be indicated by means of the discrimina- 
tive forms of the independent personal pronouns (see §§ 21, 113). 

All forms having a third person as the object do not, as a rule, 
indicate the number of the subject. This is rather done by means of 
the numeral xafts/u two for the dual, and the numeral particle ha if mut 
all for the plural. 

The difficulty arising from the fact that the suffix -unanx may 
express thou-him, etc., and they-him, etc., is bridged over by 
the additional use of the independent pronouns for thou and they 
(see § 113). This rule applies to all cases, so that it may be stated 
that, whenever, by some process of contraction, simplification, or 
abbreviation, two or more suffixes expressing identical relations be 
tween subject and object are phonetically alike, their subjects are 
indicated by the use of the independent pronominal forms. Thus, 
for instance, the form -utsanx may express I-thee, thou-me, 
and he-thee. These are usually distinguished by means of the 
pronouns qua I, qnlxHs thou, and s E as he (see § 113), that are placed 
before or after the verb, denoting that the first, second, or third 
person respectively is the subject of the action. 

The third person singular has no subjective element, owing to the 
fact that Siuslaw has no distinct form for that pronoun (see § 24). 

8%'nxl- to desire 18.5 si' rixyutsanx qua hutca'wax I 

want thee to have fun 21.6 
waa if he says 19.3 s E atsi'tc E nx waa'yuts (when) thus 

thee I tell 36.19 
Vfcwa 1 ' he gets, he takes 82.6 s^tsanxtanx^Jcwa'yutsqnath^Vs 

why I (came to) get thee 21.3 
km- to take along 9.5 My a! ny utsanx hltsi'stcln I'll take 

thee into my house 58.6 
tcaq- to spear 68.18 yc£~k u s%?i tcaqa'qa^n a seal I was 

spearing 68.8 
yaq u *- to look, to watch 9.1 ydqiCyutsats qua I will look at you 

two 
yax- to see 34.4 y%xa'yuna u x%n qua I see them two 

xnl w n- to do 9.7 s E a'isa u x%n xnlyunl /w yun thus to 

them two I will do it 88.17 
tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 humi'ntc E td mct&'tc ta'td tEmu'- 

uts not you in vain these you I 

assembled 30.18,19 

§ 25 



476 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



s E a f tsa thus 8.7 

waa 1 ' he says 8.9 

tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 
tqul- to shout 52.8 

md?i- to take care of 38.13 

L/wa a n- to tell 16.5 
leIu 1 ' he is hitting 

yaq uK - to look 9.1 



waa'- to speak 7.1 



hin- to take along 9.5 

l/xu- to know 19. 9 
yax- to see 20.10 



skwd- to stand 10.9 
yax- to see 20.10 
leIv 1 he hits 

yax- to see 20.10 

x%ntm- to travel 13.3 

fcuVi- to beat 78.18 



s E atsa'utsatc% thus I (do it) for you 

32.14 
ha i 'mut i nxan waa'yun -'(to) all them 

I tell it 
temu'wianxin 1 assemble them 
tqulu'yutsanx qnl'xHs thou art 

shouting at me 
Wsanx ma'nisuts qnl'xHs well 

thou shalt always take care of 

me 22.2, 3 
L/wa'msunanx s E atsl'tc thou wilt 

keep on telling him thus 17.2 
Ina'tinx leIu ' yutsa u xun always 

thou art hitting us two (excl.) 
LElu'yunanx tu'a u x xa'tsfu thou art 

hitting those two 
ya' q u hlsutsanxan M H sa thou shalt 

always watch us (excl.) well 

70.14, 15 
ya'quyunanx qnl'xHs thou wilt 

look at them 
waa'aHsin he told me 58.18 
atsi'tdn waa'aHs thus me he told 

58.20 
Hhi s E as hl'nlxaHs qa i ha'?itc and 

me he took way off 66.18 
Lfxu'yutsanx s E as thee he knows 
tci'Je E nx yixa'yuts ma'q u L H E nx 

wa'a l suts ts%m wherever thee 

sees Crow, to thee he will keep 

on talking always 38. 16, 17 
skwaha'ha^n s E as he set it up 
yixa'yun he sees it 70.2 
LElu'yutsans s E as he is hitting us 

two (inch) 
y%xa'yutsa u xun he is looking at us 

two (excl.) 
Ha u x xi'ntmlsun he takes them 

two along 92.16 
Tcam%'ntc E nl qwatc Tcu' K nisuts not 

us (inch) any one will ever beat 

72.17 



§ 25 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 477 

yaq u% - to look 9.1 ya! qu yutsanxan s E as he looks at 

us (excl.) 
li'u- to come 9.2 Mya' tc E nxan l/I'l/uIs people us 

(excl.) came (to see) 100.8 
leW he hits leIu! yutsatck he is hitting you 

s E a'sutsatd LElu'yuts he is hitting 

you^ 
LElu'yunanx s E as he is hitting them 
s E as hat'mut LElu'yun he hits all 
xnl w n- to do 9.7 xnl w nl' w yuns 10.5 (abbreviated 

from xni w ni' w yunans) we two 

(inch) will do it 
leIu 1 ' he hits leIuJ 'yutsa u xun we two (excl.) are 

hitting thee 
qna'xun LElu'yuts we two (excl.) 

are hitting thee 
xau' he died 40.21 xau'na u xun ants ml'kJa Kite we 

two (excl.) killed that bad man 

96'. 8. 9 
leW he hits qna u 'xun LElu'yutsats we two 

(excl.) are hitting you two 
qna'xun LElu'yun we two (excl.) 

are hitting him 
leIu' yuna w xun tu'a u x xa'tslu we 

two (excl.) are hitting those two 
qna'xun LElu'yutsatci we two 

(excl.) are hitting you two 
qna'xun Hxun LElu'yun tufa L. f a' ai 

we two (excl.) are hitting those 

(many) 
LElu'yutsats qnl'xHs you two are 

hitting me 
LElu'yunats you two are hitting 

him 
qnl'xHs leIu! yutsa u xun you two 

are hitting us two (excl.) 
LElu'yunats tu'a u x xa'tslu you 

two are hitting those two 
qnl'xtsHs ha 1 'muPnxan LElu'yuts 

you two are hitting us (excl.) all 
LElu'yunats ha^mut you two are 

hitting (them) all 
s E a's w ax LElu'yiltstn they two are 

hitting me 

§ 25 



478 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



ya!x- to see 20.10 

qnu- to find 
leW he hits 



Llxmlya 1 ' he kills 

Ida*- to invite 16.3 
hate'- to ask 66.16 
ya<f- to look 9.1 
si' nan,- to desire 18.5 
lxuI'- to dr^ 60.19 
leW he hits 



mix- to give up 54.12 
yaq u '- to look 9.1 
hate'- to ask 66.16 
yaq u '- to look 9.1 
waa? he says 19.3 
25 



yixa'yuna u x they two saw him 

62.20, 21 
Ha u x qnu'hun they two find it 56.9 
s E a's w ax LElu'yutsans they two are 

hitting us two (incl.) 
s E a's w ax leIu! yutsanxan tney two 

are hitting us two (excl.) 
tua's w ax leIu! yutsatci those two 

are hitting you two 
tua's w ax LElu'yun ha if mut those 

two are hitting (them) all 
Llxmiya'yunanl we (incl.) will kill 

him 28.3 
qnanlL/xmiya'yun tu'anxwe (incl.) 

will kill those (all) 
s E a'tsanxa?i k/aha'yuts that's why 

we (excL) invite thee 24.10 
a'tsanxan tE hatc'a'yuts qna that's 

why we (excl.) ask thee 74.15 
qna'nxan ya'q u hisuts we (excl.) 

will continually watch thee 72.6 
si' , n i xyunanxan iA'utux we (excl.) 

want him to come 17.2, 3 
ya a 'xatnxan It'l' a 1 Lxuyu'yun lots 

we (excl.) salmon dry it 
qna'nxan LElu'yutsats we (excl.) 

are hitting you two 
qna'nxan LElu'yun tu'a u x xa'ts/u 

we (excl.) are hitting those two 
qna'nxan leIu' yutsatci we (excl.) 

are hitting you (pi.) 
htf'mu&nxan LElu'yun qna we 

(excl.) are hitting (them) all 
a'nxaHsatci you (shall) let me 

alone 27.5 
yaq^yl' w yutsatci haya'nmt you all 

shall look at me 72.11, 12 
hate* a' yunatci you (shall) ask her 

74.10 
ya'q u *yutsa u xu?i qnl'xtsHci you are 

looking at us (excl.) 
atsl'tc E nxan waa'yuts thus they 

told me 46.20, 21 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES S1USLAWAN 



479 



sl'nxl- to desire 18.5 z/xma'yanxin sfnfxyuts (to) kill 

me they want 21.9 
ts H ha'yun he kills it 46.5, 6 ts H ha'yunanx ants Li'mnaq they 

kill that elk 82.17, 18 
L/wa a n- to tell 16.5 tua's E nx L.'dna'yutsanl these told 

us (incl.) 
§ 26. Position of Pronouns in Verbs Accompanied by Adverbial Forms 
As has been stated before (see p. 474), the pronominal suffixes stand 
in terminal position, and theoretically are added to the verb; but 
whenever an adjective, an adverb, or a particle precedes the verb, the 
pronouns are preferably suffixed to these and precede the verbal 
expression. The verb appears in all such cases in what may be called 
the fundamental type (see pp. 470, 474). 

ni'ctcimin mEqlya'wax because I 
intend to dance 72.12 



ni'ctcim because 18.8 
kumi'ntc not 12.2 
ta l h here 



kumi'ntc E nxplna i ' not you are sick 
86.14 

ta l, Jc E ns aya'qaHl tE sl'xa 1 here we 
two (incl.) will leave this (our) 
canoe 56.5 

sqa l kts qa'tc E ntux, sqa l kts t tim- 
et !Hux there you two shall go, 
there you two shall raise chil- 
dren 32.5 

s B atsl'te w ax waana'wa thus they 
two speak to each other 10.1, 2 

hat'nanl hu'tctux differently we 
(incl.) will play 11.2 

ya al xa l nxan huteu 1 ' lots (of games) 
we (excl.) play 70.19 

tci'ktci hutcu if , s E atsa'tei xnl' w nls 
where (ever) you play, thus you 
will keep on doing it 72.20, 21 

n lnx wan tclHi then they finally 
returned 60.10, 11 

The same tendency to suffix the subjective pronouns to adverbial 
expressions that precede the verb is shown even in cases where a 
verbal expression is preceded by a nominal subject or object. 

Mydtc people 60.25 h i ya f tc E nx 1%'tHsuts txu people thee 

will eat just 13.10 

L/°wa'x messenger 7.7 L°wa r x E nxan tE lIu' (as) messen- 

gers we (excl.) these come 30.6, 7 

§ 26 



sqa l k there 14.6 

s E atsl'tc thus 8.1 
ha l 'na different 58.9 
yaP'xa 1 much 8.5 
telh where 34.2 

H and, then 7.4 



480 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



Uqwa a 'tEm root, alder tree %tqutml'a w x qaa 1 ' an alder tree they 

92.5, 6 two entered 92.6 

ya £ tc u s seal 62.4 yEku's E nx tutca 1 ' sea-lions they 

spear 62.2 
qctx night 40. 14 qa l 'x E nx a'l'du ya'q u h%tux (at) night 

likewise you will watch 70.18, 19 

OBJECTIVE FORMS (§§ 27-48) 
§ 27. Introductory 

In sentences containing subject and object the interrelation between 
them is expressed with great definiteness by means of suffixes that 
precede the subjective and objective pronouns. My original inten- 
tion was to treat these suffixes as pronominal elements; but the chief 
objection to such a treatment lies in the fact that the pronouns, sub- 
jective and objective, are repeated after them. Hence it was found 
advisable to treat them as objective elements. In the expression of 
the relations a distinction is made between third person objects on the 
one hand, and first and second persons on the other. Furthermore, 
the indirect object is distinguished from the direct object, and the 
same classification of persons is found. The possessive relations 
between the subject and the two objects are also expressed with great 
clearness ; and, finally, a sharp line of demarcation is drawn between 
the indicative, imperative, and passive modes. 

It would seem that the following table represents all the su (fixes 
belonging to this group: 



Indicative 


Imperative 


Passive 


Personal Interrelations 


Object 


1st & 2d per. 


3d per. 


1st per. 3d per. 




Direct . . 
Indirect . . 


-uts 
smts 


-un 
-ux 


■its -yun, -Inl 

•iwyun 
-Imts -yux 


-imE, 
-urns 




Possessive Interrelations 


Forms of 
possession 




Not own 
Own insep. . 
Own sep. . 


■filtS 

-Ux, -tx 
-vtsrn 


■ill 


-Uts -il 
-Itsx 
-itsm 


-iiltx 
-xamltx 



27 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 481 

Some of these forms are applicable to the present tense only, show- 
ing different suffixes in other tenses. Thus, an entirely divergent 
treatment is accorded to the suffixes denoting possessive interrelations 
for the durative, intentional, and past tenses (see § 37) . 

For the purpose of greater clearness, these forms have been sub- 
divided into the following four groups: 

(1) Indicative forms denoting personal interrelations. 

(2) Indicative forms expressing possessive interrelations between 

object and subject. 

(3) Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and possessive interrela- 

tions. 

(4) Imperative forms denoting pronominal and possessive interrela- 

tions. 

Indicative Suffixes Denoting Personal Interrelations (§§ 28-31) 

§ 28, Direct Object of Third Person -un (-a fl n) 

This suffix transforms nouns into verbs, transitivizes all verbs 
expressing intransitive actions, and changes a transitive idea into a 
causative concept. In all these cases the object must be a third person. 
All stems ending in ^'-diphthongs change the i of the diphthong into y 
before adding the transitive suffix (see § 8). This suffix immediately 
precedes the subjective pronouns, and hence invariably follows the 
tense signs. For the interchange between -un and -a u n see § 2. 

Ic/tfiwbna 1 ' ice appears 76.13 Ic/u^w^nun Lla' ai ice he made all 

over 94.2, 3 
tEkla/TcL! trap 100.4 tEk/a'TcLlun he sets traps 

y alga' a? hole 84.6 a'ntsux yaHqaPn those two (who) 

dig holes 84.5 
s E a'tsa thus 8.7 s E aisa!un thus (he does it) 

hl ir sa well 12.2 hfisa'un he cures him 

winx he is afraid 17.6 wb'nxaPn she was afraid of him 

86.1 
dl'x it shook 36.10 ci'l'xun she shook him 58.4 

maltc- to burn 25.2 ma'ltcu u n Llya'wa he made a fire 

94.23 
xav! he died 40.21 xau'un he killed him 96.13 

ma a tc it lay 32. 20 qa u x ma'tcun on top (they) put it 

80.9 



3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—16 31 



§ 28 



482 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



xnl' w riE (they two) do 48.12 
L/wa a n he tells 16.5 

waa' he says 12.10 
waa 1 he said 8.9 
Vila*' he eats 44.19 
yixa p (they) look 66.6 
tutca 1 ' (they) spear 62.2 

ta l it sits 32.21 



qnuhu 1 ' he finds 
tqulu if he shouted 92.6 
ya'cphaH he looked 25.3 
Ha u x wl'lut they two affirmed 

90.6 
wo! ay ax he spoke 
xi'ntmiyax he traveled 

xi'ntmls (you) will continu- 
ally travel 13.3 

wa r a l s he says continually 26.8 

Ll'u (they) came 9.3 
xav! he died 40.21 

y%xa { ' he sees 



xnl' w nun he did it 94.14 

Ha u x Llwa a 'nun they two told her 

96.10 
waa'a^n he said to him 20.7 
waa'yun he told him 36.26 
IH/a'yun he devoured him 15.2 
H y%xa'yun and he saw it 58.13 
H E nx tutca'yun they spear (them) 

62.5 
ta'yun qamila'aHin my mother 

kept her 100.12 
tEq qnuhu'yun something he finds 
tqulu'yun he shouts at him 
ya'cphaHun (I) look at them 25.5, 6 
H ma'^L wl'lutun Crow answered 

him 36.6, 7 
wa^yaxaPn he spoke to him 36.11 
H xi'ntmtyaxaFn he took (them) 

along 92.13 
qm r xts E nx xi'?itmlsun you will 

always carry it 14.3 
wa f a l sim (you) keep on telling him 

19.5 
Llu'un he got (there) 16.3 
xau'na u xun we two (excl.) killed 

him 96.8, 9 
yixa'yuna u x they two see it 62. 20, 

21 
hatc'a'yunatci you ask her 74.10 



hate'- to ask 66.16 * 
§ 29. Direct Object of First and Second Persons -uts (-a a ts) 

This suffix indicates that an action has been performed upon a first 
or second person as object. The person of the actor is expressed by 
suffixing to -uts the corresponding subjective pronouns (see § 24). Its 
use corresponds to that of -un for the third person object. 

An explanation for the interchange between -uts and -aHs will be 
found in § 2. This suffix follows all other verbal suffixes excepting, 
of course, the subjective pronouns. The u unquestionably denotes 
the indicative mode, and is identical with the-w in -un, -ux, -ults, -ul, etc. 
(see §§ 23, 28, 30, 35, 36). 

This suffix has been referred to in § 25, where a tabular presentation 
of the different combined subject and object pronouns will be found. 

§ 29 



BOAS j 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



483 



si'nxl- to desire 18.5 
yaqu- to look 9.1 
?ndn- to take care 3*8.13 
yaqu- to look 9.1 

waa r - to speak 7.1 
yax- to see 13.7 



si' n l xyutsanx qna hutca'wax I 

want you to have fun 21.6 
ya' 'qii yutsats qna I will look at 

you two 
lii'sanx ma'nlsuts well thou shalt 

always take care of me 22. 2 
ya' q u hlsutsanxan h%' l sa thou 

shalt always watch us (excl.) 

well 70.14, 15 
waa'aHstn he told me 58.18 
tci'k E nx yixa'yuts maJq^L where- 

ever Crow sees thee 38.16, 17 



For further examples see § 25. 

§ 30. Indirect Object of Third Person -ux (-a a x) 

Each language has a number of verbal expressions that require the 
presence of a direct and indirect object. Such verbs are, as a rule, 
distinguished from other stems by means of some grammatical con- 
trivance. Siuslaw uses for that purpose the suffix -ux added to the 
bare stem. This suffix, however, is used only when the third per- 
son (singular, dual or plural) is the indirect object of the sentence. 
As soon as the first or second person becomes the indirect object, 
another suffix, -Emts, is used (see § 31). 

The pronoun expressing the subject of the action always follows 
the suffix -ux. 



waxax- reduplicated stem of 
wax- to give 18.5 

hamts- to dip out 



H waxa'xa^x ants ?ni'n i xwl then he 
gave him that lightning 38. 2 (for 
ux = aFx see § 2) 
s E as ha'mtsux he dipped it out for 
him 46.6 
ttyatsi'ts- reduplicated form Myatsi'tsuxan I put it on him 
of hits-, hfyats- to put on, 
to wear 11.8 
lak n - to take, to fetch 7.5 lakwa'lmxan I took it away from 

him 
hamx- to tie 8.6. hamxh'xux he tied it on him 

§ 31, Indirect Object of First and Second Persons -Emts 

This suffix is used only with verbal stems that require a direct and 
indirect object. The direct object expressed by this suffix is always 
the third person, while the indirect object must be either a first or 

S§ 30-31 



484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

a second person, regardless of number. The suffix expressing the 
same idea with the third person as the indirect object has been dis- 
cussed in § 30. The pronominal suffixes denoting the subject of the 
action and its relation to the direct object are the same as those used 
in connection with the suffix -uts (see § 29). The verbal stem to which 
this suffix is added has frequently terminal reduplication. 

hamx- to tie 8.6 hamxi' xEmtsanx I tie it on thee 

wax- to give 18.2 qna'hamts E nxwa'xa l SEmts to thee 

I will keep on giving it 44.15 
waxal xEintsanxin they gave it to 
me 
hltsa 1 ' he put it on hltsa'yEmtsanx qnlxHs you put it 

on me 
s E a's%n Nyatsi' tsEmts he put it on 

me 
s E a's E nx hUsa'yEmts he put it on 
thee 
a i q- to leave 56.5 a i qa'qEmisin he left it to me 

wax- to give 18.2 waxa' XEmtsanx ta'la he gives thee 

money 

Indicative Suffixes Expressing Possessive Interrelations Between Object 
and Subject (§§32-37) 

§ 32. Introductory 

The phenomenon of expressing possessive interrelations between 
object and subject of a sentence through the medium of distinct suf- 
fixes is by no means of uncommon occurrence in the American Indian 
languages. 1 From a logical point of view such a formation is per- 
fectly justifiable, and may be said to have its origin in the actual 
difference that exists between the concept of an act performed upon a 
given object and the conveying of the same act performed upon 
an object that stands in some relation to the subject of the sentence. 
Thus the English sentence I whip my horse states a fact that is 
fundamentally different from the sentence I whip the horse, in so 
far as it expresses, besides the act performed by the subject upon the 
object, also the possessive relation that exists between object and sub- 
ject. In the Indo-European languages, in which each idea maintains 
an independent position in a complex of grammatical concepts, such 

1 See, for example, Sioux, Chinook, Kutenai. 

S 32 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 485 

relations are indicated by means of independent words, as a rule pos- 
sessive pronouns; but in Siuslaw these relations are relegated to the 
verb, and consequently we find them conveyed by means of certain 
suffixes that are added to stems denoting- verbal ideas. 

The possessive relations that may exist between object and subject 
of a sentence are of a threefold nature. The object may form an 
inseparable part of the subject (I wash my face); the object may be 
separably connected with the subject (I lose my knife); or the ob- 
ject may stand in a possessive relation to another object (I lose his 
knife). Siuslaw distinguishes clearly between these three types of 
relationship, and expresses each of them by means of a distinct suffix. 

§ S3, Suffix Indicating that the Object Forms an Inseparable Bart of 
the Subject -itx (-a ! tx), -tx 

This suffix indicates that the object of the sentence is inseparably 
connected with the subject. Hence all stems expressing an action 
performed by the speaker upon any part of his own body (and even 
upon his name) occur with these suffixes. Now and then they will 
be found added, to stems denoting actions that do not necessarily 
involve an integral part of the subject as its recipient. All such 
formations must be looked upon as ungrammatical ; that is to say, as 
due either to analogy or to an unintentional mistake on the part of 
the informant. 1 

The verbal ideas which are expressed in this manner need not 
always be transitive in our sense of the word. They may, and as a 
matter of fact they do, denote conditions and states in which an inte 
gral part of the subject may find itself. Such expressions are possi- 
ble, because to the mind of the Siuslaw they conve}^ transitive ideas. 
Thus the sentence I am sorry expresses, according to our interpre- 
tation, an intransitive idea. The Siuslaw treats it as a transitive 
sentence, and expresses it by saying I make my mind sick. In 
the same manner Siuslaw conceives . of our expressions my hair 
burned, his child died, it is cold, etc., as transitive sentences, 
and renders them by (I) burned my hair, (he) caused his child 

TO DIE, THE EARTH MAKES ITS BODY COLD, etc. 

No specific reason can be given for the occurrence of the parallel 
forms -itx and -tx, nor has any distinction been detected in the use of 

1 My informant made such mistakes rather frequently, but corrected them promptly whenever her 
attention was called to them. 

§ 33 



486 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



the two forms. It seems, however, that -tx tends to appear after 
other suffixes, while -Ux is added to bare stems. 

This suffix must not be confounded with the frequentative -Ux (see 
§ 68). -Ux interchanges frequently with -a l tx. For an explanation 
of this interchange see § 2. 



Tcuts- to paint 

Ik!- to open (mouth) 28.2 

skwa- to stand 14.4 



hutscP'txan qa'nnb I paint my face 

Ik/aHx Laa' he opened his 
mouth 96.1 

ha v mut E nx lat'qat shwaha l 'tx 
xwakl' they all had feathers on 
their heads (literally, all they, 
feathers to stand caused on their 
heads 10.9 

k/u x wina l 'tx Lfa' ai ice appeared 
(literally, ice made on its body, 
the earth) 76.10 

plnaHx lid 1 they were sorry (liter- 
all} 7 , sick the} r made their minds) 
15.4 

ya'xaHxan ha} I am crafty (liter- 
ally, much I have in my mind) 
20.7 

tcanhatl' 'mxutxa u x q u Ll'm t ants 
pEnVs they two were clubbing 
each other's anus, those skunks 
86.9 

tlntx ha 1 his heart cooked 96.9, 10 

ha f m i xtxan hl'qu 1 1 tie my hair 

to mk'lt&stx hat'mut hl'qu 1 his hair 

began to burn (literally, it began 

to burn on him his all, hair) 

29.4 

ha v na hau'tx ha} his mind had be- 
come different (literall} 7 , differ- 
ent on him it had made itself, 
his mind) 60.21 

In the following examples, terms of relationship are treated as in- 
separable parts of the subject: 

pin- to be sick 40.21 pla a ntx ants t/dmc (he) got sick 

his boy 40.20 
§ 33 



h!u x win- ice 76.11 



pin- to be sick 40.21 



ya^'xa 1 much 8. 5 



tcanhatl- to club 



tin- to boil, to be ripe 98.7 
hamx- to tie 8.6 
mi'ltcist he commenced 
burn 29.3 



haw- to end, to make 14.6 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 487 

si'nxl- to desire 18.5 sVnxltx ants t/dmc xwi'L/tuxtc he 

wanted that his child should 
come back (literally, he wanted 
his, that child, return shall his) 
42.5, 6 

waa'- to say 7.1 s B atsl'tc w ax wad %, tx ants mild thus 

their (dual) mother told them 
(literally, thus their two, told, 
that mother) 54.23 

hanf- to call ha'nfitx mdt!l' he called his elder 

brother 58.16 

xau' he died 40.21 tE K q E nx xawa l 'tx (when) their rela- 

tives died (literally, relatives 
they, die theirs) 68.13 

waa'- to say 7.1 s E atsi'tc wa'aHx ants Lxa uf y ax thus 

he said to that his friend 42.7, 8 

§ 34, Suffia; Denoting that the Object is Possessed by the Subject, but 
Separable from it -utsm- (-a fl tsm-) 

This suffix seems to be a compound consisting of two separate suf- 
fixes, -uts- and -m. While the original function of the second element 
is unknown, the first component is undoubtedly the suffix expressing 
the direct object of the first and second persons (see § 29 and also § 23). 

It expresses a transitive action whose recipient is possessed by the 
subject without forming an integral part of it. Terms of relationship, 
and all concrete nouns, excepting those nominal stems that denote 
parts of the body, are thus considered; but, owing to frequent errors 
on the part of the informant, this suffix will be found used also in con- 
nection with objects expressing parts of the body. 1 All subjective pro- 
nouns are added to this suffix by means of a connecting weak vowel, 
as a result of the law regulating the use of consonantic clusters (see 
§ 4); and, as the third person singular has no distinct form, this suffix 
appears in final position as -iitsmE, The u of this' suffix often inter- 
changes with the diphthong a? (see § 2). The suffix follows the tense 
signs, and is frequently added to reduplicated stems. 

la'~k u - to take, to get 7.5 lakwa'lcutsmin Tc E d'nl I take my 

bucket 
qnu x - to find 56.9 qnu'hutsmm qal'tc I found my 

knife 
L/xma lf - to kill 15.3 l ! xma' 1 ' yutsmanx m u v!sk u you 

killed your younger brother 

i See § 33, p. 485. 

§ 34 



488 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



lak v - to take 7.5 



lalcwa'JcutsmE ~k E a'nl she took 

her bucket 90.21 
L/oxa'xaHsmE Kite he sent his 

people -30.1, 2 
ats%'tc waa'yutsrnE ql'utc thus he 

said to his wife 48.17 
ya a 'xa l tE ll'tla 1 Llwl'wutsmE 

lots (of) this (their) food (they) 

are bringing 100.9, 10 
Llu'utsniE hUsi'stc she came to 

her (own) house 58.7, 8 
waa'aHsmE ants L/a' ai Kite he said 

to his many people 7.1 
mi'ltcist he begins to burn H q/a'll mi'ltcistutsniE then her 

29.3 pitch began to burn 90.22 

xVl'xcl- to work 50.9 xil'xcl' yutsma u x a'nts E tc w ax ma'tl 

they two worked at their (dual) 

dams 48.10 

In the following instances this suffix has been used in connection 
with nouns that form an integral part of the subject: 



l/ox- to send 16.10 
waa 1 ' he says 8.9 
lVu (they) come 9.3 



waa - to speak 8.1 



t/Emx u - to cut 

pax- to close (eyes) 36.16 

ya'q u haH he looked 58.1 

wi'ltcist he begins to send 

pin- to be sick 40.21 

minx u - to lighten 38.5 

tcl't'i wind 
§ 34 



H E nx t ! Einxv! yutsmE hl'qu 1 then 
they cut their hair 68.14 

paxa'xutsmE hopx he shut his 
eyes 36.20 

yo f quhaHu u ' tsmE hopx he opened 
his eyes (literally, he looked 
. with his eyes) 36.20 

wi'ltcistu' tsmE wa'as he began 
sending his message (word) 
92.19 

jplanya 1 ' tistutsmE JiaHc he was 
sorry (literally, he begins to 
make sick, his mind) 40.21 

H wan mi' nxa u tu' tsniE L!a' ai now 
he made lightning (literally, 
then finally caused to lighten 
her body, the world) 38.6 

tcit'a'tfutsmE L!a' ai ants tsxu'n- 
pm TsxunpLi made a wind 
(literally, caused to blow his 
world, that TsxunpLi) 94.6, 7 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 489 

§ 35. Sufiioc Indicating thai the Object is Possessed by a. Third 
Person Object -ul (-a fl I) 

This suffix expresses an act performed upon an object that forms an 
integral part of or that is separably connected with another object. 
Hence it indicates the possessive relation that exists between two 
objects as seen by the subject of the sentence. The possessor of the 
object of the action must be the third person, regardless of number. 
If, however, it is absolutely necessary to indicate the number of the 
possessor, this is accomplished by means of suffixing to the possessed 
object the possessive suffixes for the third person singular, dual or 
plural (see § 88). It is noteworthy that the possessed object appears 
in the absolutive form, and not with the locative case endings, as might 
be expected. The pronominal suffixes expressing the subject of the 
action follow the suffix -ul; and as this suffix ends in a consonant, and 
some of the subjective pronouns begin with a consonant, the pronouns 
are frequently preceded by a connecting, weak vowel (see § 4). 
There exists undoubtedly an etymological connection between the u 
of this suffix and the u of the direct object of the third person -un 
(see §§ 23, 28). For the u of -ul the diphthong cfi is quite frequently 
substituted. This interchange has been discussed in § 2. 

si'naft- to desire 18.5 si'n^xyuln Jiltsl' 1 1 like his house 

hamx- to tie 8.6 Ka'mxaHn tciL I tie his hands 

yax- to see 34.4 ylxa'yulanx mita you see his 

father 
Kin- to take along 23.2 hlna'yulanx Lfxml'tl you took 

his bow along 
ya'q u '- to see 23.9 H ya'q u 'yul mi'ck'la 1 and he 

saw her vulva (bad thing) 

90.10 
yax- to see 34.4 ydxi'xula u x tcu'x u s he saw their 

(dual) vulvas 90.15 
ya a kf- small 36.23 yakfl'tcHul xwa'ka she cut his 

head into pieces 96.11 
haw- to end, to make 14.6 ha v na hau'ul ha 1 different she 

made his mind 58.9 
lak u - to take 7.5 tll'ya 1 lahwa'lcul ants mat/%' 

bear had seized that his older 

brother 58.16 

§ 35 



490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 

qwa n n- to pour 29. 2 H wan qwa r nul Laaya'tcHc (they 

two) now pour it into his 
mouth 96.7 

hate*- to ask 66.16 u ltci hatc'a'yul ha 1 you ask her 

(literally, and you ask about 
her mind [opinion]) 74.8 

§ 36. SuffiM Expressing an Object Possessed by a First or Second 
Person Object -ults (-a^lts) 

This suffix has the same function as -ul, but differs from it in so 
far as the possessor of the object must be either a first or a second per- 
son. The number of the possessor, when required, is indicated by the 
possessive suffixes added to the possessed object (see § 88). Owing to 
the variability of the person of the possessor, this suffix conveys, 
besides the idea of a possessive relation between two objects, also the 
connection that exists between subject and object. Hence it assumes 
a function, limited in scope, but similar in character to the suffix for 
the combined subject and object pronouns. This functional similarity 
is indicated even in the phonetic composition of the suffix, -ults is 
undoubtedly a compound suffix consisting of the previously discussed 
-ul and of the suffix for the subject and object pronoun -uts (see § 29). 
It is not inconceivable that the original form may have been -uluts, 
contracted later on into- ults. A comparison of the Siuslaw transi- 
tive indicative suffixes shows that the majority of them have the u 
in common. Hence it may be claimed that the u originally con- 
veyed the idea of a transitive indicative action (see § 23); and as the 
u was already present in the first element of this suffix (-ill), it may 
have been omitted as superfluous in the second part. 

Owing to this additional function of this suffix as a medium of ex- 
pressing subject and object pronouns, the subjective pronouns are 
added to it in a method similar to the one employed in the suffixation 
of the subjective pronouns to the suffix -uts (see § 25). After certain 
consonants this suffix is changed into -aHts (see § 2). 

hln- to take along 23.2 hina'yultsanx LlxmU'tl I take along 

thy bow 
yax- to see 34.4 yixa'yultsanx qa'nni I look at thy 

face 
l/x(u)- to know 40.16 Lfxu'yutsanx mita qna I know 

thy father 
§ 36 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



491 



wax- to give 18.2 

Llxmal- to kill 15.3 
tsxan- to comb 
lak u - to take 7.5 
l/x(u)- to know 40.16 

yax- to see 34.4 



waxa' yultsanx ta'kin ini'itfxwi I 

will give thee my lightning 

38.1, 2 
L/xmal' yultsanx m u u'sk u qmxHs 

you killed my younger brother 
tsxand 'yultsanx lil'qu 1 you combed 

my hair 
Vkwa' yultsin ants qal'tc he took 

that my knife 
Lfxu'yultsin mita he knows my 

father 
s E as l/xu' yultsanx mita, he knows 

thy father 
E as yixa'yultsanx qa'mn he looks 

at thy face 



§ 37 » Stiffixes Denoting Possessive Interrelations for 
than the Present -isiti, -a w Iti, -yaxa*ti 



Tenses other 



When possessive interrelations that occur in tenses other than the 
present are to be expressed, the Siuslaw language resorts to an inter- 
esting form of composition of suffixes. Thus the durative suffix -Is 
(see § 69), the intentional (see § 70), and the past -yax (see § 74), are 
combined with the possessive suffix -lt% (see § 88), forming new com- 
pound suffixes -isiti, -a w lt%, and -yaxaHi, that indicate semi-reflexive 
actions performed constant!}^ or about to be performed, or performed 
long ago. In these new suffixes no sharp line of demarcation is drawn 
between objects that are inseparably connected with the subject, and 
objects that are possessed by the subject. 



ya a 'k/- small 36.23 

yak lis he is constantly (get- 
ting) small . 



haw- to finish 14.6 
ha u 'wls he* makes continually 



kwi'tci ya'kflsltl ha 1 don't ye be 
downhearted! (literally, not you 
small always make your mind) 
66.5 

u l E nx kumi'ntc atsl'tc ha u 'wlsltl 
ha 1 and you don't believe it thus 
(literally, and you, not thus, 
make continually your mind) 
46.24 

qa'xantc ha u 'wis%ti ha 1 downward 
make continually your hearts 
8.10 

§ 37 



492 



BUREAU OF AMERICA X ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



hin- to take along 23.2 

hl'nis he always takes along 



xnl w n- to do 10.5 

xnl' w n%s (we) always do it 
72.15 
hamx- to tie 8.6 

hamxa w - to intend to tie 

pax- to shut (eye) 36.16 
paxa w - to be about to close 

ya'xatc'- to try to look 13.7 
yaxatc\i w - to intend to try to 
look 

tquya w - to intend to boil 

hamx- to tie 8. 6 

ha'mxyax he tied 
pax- to close 36.16 

pa'xyax he closed 



nlxHs u l E nx qanl'nal hi'nisiti you 
• will take along } T our knife (liter- 
ally, you, and you, knife, take 
along will always yours) 50.16, 
17 

u l E nl xnl' w nlsltl still we will keep 
on doing our . . . 72.17 

hamxa' w ltin hl'qu* I intend tying 
my hair 

paxa' w lt%n Jcopx I intend to close 
my eyes 

yaxatc > a u 'witin t/amc 1c! e 'lu I in- 
tend to try to look for my boy 
tomorrow 60.1, 2 

u l E ns tquya' w Ul we will cook (our 
camas) 98.3 

ha'mxyaxa l fi Jtl'qu 1 he tied his hair 
2?a'xyaxa l tin Jcopx I closed my e} T es 



A similar process is resorted to whenever the prohibitive mode 
(see § 40) of an action denoting that the object is possessed by the 
subject is to be expressed. In such cases the durative -%s (see § 69) 
is combined with the possessive -Mi- (see § 88), and the whole verb is 
preceded by the negative particle ku\ kumi' 'ntc not (see § 131). 

kwinx tsxa'nwlsitl Til'qu 1 don't 
comb thy hair! 

kuHs lJc!a'a l sltl Laa' don't you 
(pi.) open your mouths! 



tsxanu- to comb 
Ik! a- to open 28.2 
hin- to take along 23. 2 
haw- to finish, to work 14.6 



Tcwlnx hl'nlsltl si'xa 1 don't take 
thy canoe along! 

kumi'ntc E tc% qa'xantc ha u 'wisifi 
ha 1 don't ye be continually 
downhearted (literally, not ye, 
downwards, make continually 
your, hearts) 8.10 



§ 37 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 493 

Passive Suffixes Indicating Pronominal and Possessive Interrelations 

(§§ 38-39) 

§ 38. Passive Suffices for Verbs Requiring in the Active a Double 
Object -ImE, -umE (-a^mE) 

-ImJEJ. This suffix invariably follows the verbalizing -I or -a 1 (see 

§ 75), and seems to express the passive voice of verbs that require in 
the active the preseqce of a double (direct and indirect) object, 
although it will be found suffixed to verbal stems that do not neces- 
sarily require such a double object. Whenever the subjective pro- 
nouns are added to it, the obscure e of this suffix is changed into a 
weak a or i. The form -ImE occurs in terminal position only. This 
suffix follows all temporal suffixes. 

wax- to give 18.2 waxa'ylmanx qanl'nal it (will) be 

given to you, (a) big knife 19.6 

Mala waxa'yuslviE a'ntsHc mita 

dentalia shells are usually given 

to him, to that her father 74.19 

hits- to put on 11.10 hltsa'ylmin it is put on me 

haw- to end, to make, 14.6 txunx hl if sa hawa'ylmE ha) they 

are just good-minded toward 
thee (literally, just thee well it 
is made towards, mind) 21.1 

In two instances this suffix has been added to a stem without the aid 
of the verbalizing -I {-a 1 ). 

ha' us easy atsl'tc ha/uslmE thus it was agreed 

upon (literally, thus it was 
[made] easy) 24.1 

haw- to finish, to end 14.6 ha'uslmE ants ts/aln ready (made 

for him is) that pitch 26.5, 6 

This suffix may be preceded— f or the sake of emphasizing its passive 
function — by the present passive -xam (see § 55). In such cases the 
verbalizing suffix is omitted. 

hits- to put on 11.8 waa' ants hltsl 'xamlniE said that 

one on whom it was put on 11.10 

qun- to pour H wan qunl'xamlinE and now it 

was poured down into his . . . 
29.2 

aq- to take off 13.1 aqa 1 ' xamlniE it was taken off him 

§ 38 



494 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-TirriE has the same function as -ImE, and is used in connection with 
similar verbal stems. It differs from it only in so far as it is added 
directly to the stem. An explanation of the parallel occurrence of 
-time and -aFmE has been given in § 2. 

wax- to give 18.2 tE n qin waxcfi'mE what do you give 

me (literally, something to me, 
it is given?) 18.2 
qam'nal waxa u '7nanx a big knife is 
given to you 21.4 

jpl'ti- to be noisy 36.24 wa l yaP'xa 1 triq H pl'timE they 

made noise with everything (lit- 
erally, although many things 
[they have], still it is made noise 
with) 29.1 

§ 39. Passive Suffixes Denoting Possessive Relations of the Sub- 
ject -ultx, -xamltx 

These suffixes express, besides the passive voice, also the fact that 
the recipient of the action is either possessed or forms an integral 
part of a given object. 

-ultx seems to be composed of the suffix -til, which indicates that 
the object forms an integral part of or is possessed by another object 
(see § 35), and of the suffix -tx, denoting that the object is an integral 
part of the subject (see § 33). If this is the origin of the compound 
suffix, the amalgamation of these two independent suffixes into one 
new formative element that expresses the passive voice, and at the 
same time contains the idea of a possessive relation between object 
(grammatical subject) and object, presents a problem that must remain 
unexplained. The person of the possessed subject is indicated hy the 
suffixed subjective pronouns (see § 24). The stem to which this suffix 
is added occurs frequently in an amplified form (see § 112). Stems 
ending in i (short or long) change it into y before adding the passive 
suffix (see § 8). 

lak u - to take, to get 7.5 humi'ntc w ax lakwa'tiltx ants ql'titc 

not their (dual) were taken, 
those wives 50.22 
lakwa'tiltxa u x ta'tc w ax ql'titc taken 
away were these their (dual) 
wives 52.3, 4 
§ 39 



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495 



tu- (also t!u) to buy 74.8 



xcll/- to make 50.8 



Tcumi' ntc E nx txu tluha'ultxanx 

t!amc not for nothing will they 

buy your child (literalty, not 

[of] thee just bought [will be] 

thy child) 74.5 
sWxyu^ xaL/a'ultx they try to 

find some remedy (literally, they 

desire [that] made [cured] be 

his mind) 15.5 
huya'ultx ha 1 , his mind will be 

made different 19.2 
si'^xyultxanx t/ame thy child is 

desired (asked for) 74.4 
Ha u x tsina r x i yultxq u Ll'mtsind their 

(dual) anus [will] be scorched 

88.7 
ha'tc'yaxaHtx ha 1 ants qlutcvfm 

(when) asked was her opinion, 

that woman 74.16 
{-aHtx = -ultx see § 2) 



In many instances this suffix is preceded by the verbalizing -a 1 (see 
} 75, 8). 



s%'nx%- to desire 18.5 
tsi'nx 7 b- to scorch 

hate'- to ask 66.16 



skwaha 1 ' he stands 14.4. 



ikw%- to bury 80.10 



hate'- to ask 66.16 



waa 1 



he says 8.9 



H skwaha'yultx tEqyu' u then is 

stood up its (of the house) 

frame 80.7 
tkwlha'yultx qaw u ntVyuw%tc ants 

Jiltsl' 1 dirt is put on both sides 

(of) that house 80.10, 11 
... ants hatda'yultx ha 1 (when 

of) that one is asked his opinion 

74.4, 5 
waa'yultxan mita my father is 

spoken to 



-xamltx is undoubtedly composed of the suffix for the present 
passive -xam (see § 55), of the abbreviated -ul (see § 35), and of the 
suffix -tx (see § 33). When it is remembered that this suffix can be 
added only to verbs that require a double object, the amalgamation of 
these three independent formative elements into one suffix for the 
purpose of expressing the passive voice of an act whose recipient 
(grammatical subject) stands in some possessive relation to one of 

§ 39 



496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the three persons (speaker, person spoken to, or person spoken of), 
becomes at once apparent. 

The use of this suffix may be illustrated by an example. The verb 
to put on requires a double object, because it implies the idea to put 
something on somebody, or vice versa. Hence Siuslaw renders 'the 
English sentence his hat was put on (really, his hat was put on 
him) by a complex consisting of the verbal stem and the compound 
suffix -xamltx. In this suffix the first element, -xam, indicates that the 
action is passive (performed by somebody upon the recipient); the sec- 
ond element, -£-, denotes that the direct object (in this case the noun 
hat) is possessed by the recipient of the action; while the last element, 
-tx (which when used alone indicates that the object forms an integral 
part of the subject), serves to bring out the idea that the action is per- 
formed upon the indirect object (on him) which (in this case) can no 
be separated from the (logical) subject (his hat). 

The persons that are implied in the possessive relations as indicated 
by this suffix are expressed" by means of the subjective pronouns 
added to it (see § 24). Since the first element of this compound suffix 
is the present passive -xam, the manner in which it is added to the 
verbal stem is similar to that employed in the suffixation of -xam 
(see § 55). 

aq- fo> take off 13. 1 aqa 1 ' 'xamltxan lkwa'nuq u taken off 

(me) is my hat 
hits- to put on 11.8 hltsl' xamltxan lhwa'nuq u put on 

(me) is my hat 
t!Emx v '- to cut off t / Emxwa' xamltxanx t&L cut off 

(thee) was thy hand 
lak u - to take (away) 7.5 s E atsl f tc w ax wadxam a'ntsux lo- 

IcwV xamltx ql'utc thus were told 
those two from whom the wives 
were taken away (literally, thus 
they two were told, those two 
[of] whom taken away were 
[those their dual] wives) 54.14 

Imperative Forms Denoting Pronominal and Possessive Interrelations 

(§§ 40-48) 

§ 40. Introductory 

In the following sections there will be discussed suffixes that express 
not only the imperative mode, but also the exhortative. 
S 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 497 

Besides separate suffixes indicating the imperative of intransitive 
and transitive verbs (see §§ 61, 62), Siuslaw shows distinct suffixes 
that express the pronominal and possessive interrelations between 
subject and object. 

Another interesting feature that may be noted in connection with 
the formation of the imperative mode is the presence of a distinct 
negative form of the imperative or prohibitive mode, and the man- 
ner in which it is expressed. Generally speaking, the durative suffix 
-£s(see § 69), used in connection with the subjective pronouns for the 
second persons (see § 24), and in addition to the particle of negation 
(see § 131), expresses the prohibitive mode. This idiomatic expres- 
sion may be justified by the fact that a prohibitive command addressed 
to the second person has much in common with the negative form of 
a durative action performed by the same person. 

Owing to the fact that the imperative suffixes express other cate- 
gories than a command, the prohibitive form of the imperative 
referring to such categories is expressed by adding to the durative 
-Is the respective suffixes that denote the non-imperative idea (see 
§§ 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 37). Examples of the prohibitive mode and a 
detailed description of its formation will be found in § § 60-62, 42-46. 

§ 41. Exhortative Suffixes Expressing the Direct Object of the Third 
Person -yun, -iwyun, -mi 

These three suffixes express an admonition to perform an action 
having a third (not mentioned) person as its object. The difference 
between -yun and -l w yun could not be traced to any particular cause, 
owing chiefly to the fact that the latter form occurs very seldom. The 
informant always rendered the first two suffixes by a transitive future, 
and they seem to have been employed quite extensively in this second- 
ary function. 

'yun is suffixed to verbs expressing transitive ideas only, and the 
stem to which it is added always occurs in an amplified form (see § § 7, 
112). 

a { q~ to leave 56.6 td lf h E ns ayafqyun tm W%'a l here we 

two (inch) will leave this salmon 
(literally, let us two leave) 
l/ox- to send 16.10 L/°wa'xyun Kite I will send these 

people (literally, let me send) 
30.19 

§ 41 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 -32 



498 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



anx- to give up 60.11 
LlxmaV- to kill 15.3 
IHI- to eat 15.2 
hamx- to tie 8.6 



kurm'ntcinl ana'xyun not we (incl.) 

will give it up (literally, don't 

let us two) 16.8 
L/xmiya'yunanl we (incl.) will kill 

him (literally, let us kill him) 

28.3 
Jcumi'ntc ll'tllyun not he will eat 

it (literally, don't let him eat it) 

34.22 
hama'xyun he will tie it (literally, 

let him tie it) 



"% w y1lfi exercises apparently the same function as the first suffix, 
but does not necessarily require amplification of the stem to which it 
is added. 

xnl w n- to do 11. 11 xni w ni' w yuns we two (incl. ) will do 

it (literally, let us two doit) 10.5 
xriiyuni' w yun 1 will do it (literally, 
let me do it) 

qat&n- to go 12.1 qatcinl' w yun I will make him go 

(literally, let me make him go) 

kwa hu n- to bend down 13.5 kum' w yun I will bend it down 

In an analogous manner Siuslaw seems to have formed an exhorta- 
tive suffix expressing the direct object of the first person. This is 
done by substituting -ts (see § 23) for the -n. As but few examples 
of this formation were obtained, a full discussion is impossible. The 
examples follow. 



yaq u% ~ to look, to see 25.3 
l!xu- to know 40.7 
TcaH- to follow 92.7 
hln- to take along 9.5 



yaq u *yi' w yutsatci ye look at me 

72.11,12 
L!x u wa!x u yutsa'tci ye shall know 

me 30.17 
l^was^u' tsana 0, you. shall follow me 

92.3 
htya! nyutsanx I will take you along 

58.6 



-tnt is suffixed to transitive verbs, and is always used in connec- 
tion with the exhortative particle qaH (see § 129). The subjective 
pronouns for the first and third persons as the performers of the 
action are always added to the particle (see § 26). This suffix appears 
frequently as -a l nl (see § 2). 

§ 41 



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499 



lak u - to take, to seize 7.5 

waa'- to speak 7.1 
tqul- to shout 52.8 

hits- to put on 11.8 
tun- to invite 16.2 



qa l 'la u x lakwi'ni let them two take 

(them)! 52.12, 13 
qaft, waa l 'nl let him speak to him! 
qa if l E ns tqull'm let us two (incl.) 

shout at him! 
qa l 'l E nx hhjatsl'nl let them put it on ! 
qa l 'l E nl tunl'nl let us (incl.) invite 



§ 42. Imperative Suffice Expressing the Direct Object of the First 

Person -its (-a^s) 

This suffix is added directly to the stem, and commands the person 
addressed (subject) to perform an act upon an object which must be 
one of the first persons. The -ts of this suffix is undoubtedly identi- 
cal with the -ts found in all suffixes that express first and second 
persons objects (see §§ 23, 29, 34, 36). The combined pronominal 
forms that are added to this suffix can be only those indicating the 
second persons as the subject and the first persons as the object of 
the action (see table, pp. 473, 474). In this connection the following 
peculiarities may be noted : 

(1) The singular subject is not expressed, being understood in the 
command. 

(2) Dual and plural objects are not expressed in the suffixes, but are 
indicated by means of the independent personal pronouns for the first 
persons. 

(3) For a singular object the subjective pronoun for the first singu- 
lar (-n) is added to the imperative suffix. 

(4) For dual and plural subjects the subjective pronouns for these 
persons are added to the imperative -Us. 

The following table will best serve to illustrate these four rules: 





Thou 


Ye 


You 


Me 

Us two (exclusive) . . 
Us (exclusive) . . . 


-Itsin 

-itsauxtin 

-Usanxan 


-Itsats 
-Itsats 
-Itsats 


-Itsatcl 
-itsatcl 
-Itsatcl 



The subjective pronouns beginning with a consonant are added by 
means of a weak a-vowel (see § § 4, 24). 

This imperative suffix occurs often as -a l ts (see § 2). 



§ 42 



500 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

waa'- to speak 7.1 wa'aHsin td'Mn wa'as speak to me 

(with) this my language! 36.10 
Am- to take along 23.2 hl'nltsin take me along! 

L/wan- to tell 7.3 Llwd'nitsm tell me! 

Lfwa'riitsanxcm tell us (excl.)! 
yaq u *- to look 23.9 ya'quhltsats tE na look ye at me! 

a l q- to leave 56.5 at'qaHsatci you leave me! 

The prohibitive form is expressed by combining the durative -Is 
with the objective form -uts and by placing the particle of negation 
Jcu\ Tcumi'ntC) before the verbal expression (see §§ 69, 29, 60). The 
pronominal suffixes are those used to express the second person as the 
subject, and the first person as the object, of an action (see § 24 and 
table, pp. 473, 474). 

hln- to take along 23.2 Icwlnx hl'nlsuts don't take me 

along! 
Jcwl'nxan hl'nlsuts don't take us 
(excl.) along! 
qn u *- to find 34.12 Icwlnx qnu ,K wlsuts don't find me! 

§ 43. Imperative Suffice Indicating the Indirect Object of the Third 

Person -yux 

This suffix is etymologically related to the suffix -ux discussed in 
§ 30. It is added to verbs requiring the presence of a direct and in- 
direct object, and it expresses a command that involves the third person 
(singular, dual and plural) as the recipient of the action. 

wax- to give 18.2 wa'xyux give it to him! 

wa'xyuxanx give it to them! 
qun- to pour 29.2 qwa^nyux Laaya'tc pour it down 

into his mouth! 29.2 
hits- to put on 11.8 Mya'tsyux put it on him! 

hamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mxyux tie it on him! 

The prohibitive mode is obtained by combining the durative -Is (see 
§ 69) with the suffix -ux (see § 30) and by placing the particle hu l or 
kumi'ntc (see § 131), before the verbal expression. 

wax- to give 18.2 Icwlnx vja'xa l sux don't give it to 

him! 
hits- to put on 11.8 Icwlnx Wya'tslsux don't put it on 

him! 
qun- to pour 29.2 Jcumi'ntc E nx qwa'*nisux don't pour 

it (into his mouth) ! 

§ 43 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 501 

§ &4:. Imperative Suffioc Denoting the Indirect Object of the First 

Person -Imts 

This suffix expresses a command to perform an act the indirect 
recipient of which is the first person. It is etymologically related to 
the imperative suffix -Its (see § 42) and to the objective form -Emts (see 
§ 31), being composed of the initial element of the former suffix and 
of the whole of the latter formation (see § 23). The method of adding 
the pronominal forms to this suffix is identical with the method dis- 
cussed on pp. 472-475. 

wax- to give 18.2 wd'xlmtsin give it to me! 

wa! xlmtsanxan give it to us ! 
hits- to put on 11.8 h l yd 'tslmtsfai put it on me! 

hamx- to tie 8.6 ha' mxlmtsatci you (pi.) tie it on 

me! 

The suffixed particle -u (see § 132) is frequently added to this com- 
bined suffix. In such cases it denotes an act performed near the 
speaker. 

xwIl!- to return 12.6 xwlhlVrntstnu give it back to me! 

hamx- to tie 8. 6 hamxl'mtsinu tie it on me ! 

The prohibitive mode is expressed by combining the durative -Is 
(see § 69) with the suffix -Emts (see § 31 and also § 40). 

wax- to give 18.2 kwinx wa' 'xa l SEmts don't give it to 

me! 
hits- to put on 11.8 kwinx h l ya'tslsEmts note don't 

put it on me! 

§ 45, Imperative Suffioc Denoting that the Object is Possessed by a 

Third Person -II. 

This suffix indicates that the possessor of the recipient of the action 
is the third person singular. Duality and plurality of the possessor is 
expressed by suffixing the subjective pronouns for the third persons 
dual and plural (see § 24) to the possessed object (see § 35). This 
suffix is added directly to the stem, and is related (phonetically and 
etymologically) to the suffix -ul, indicating that the object is possessed 
by a third person object (see §§23, 35). Duality and plurality of the 
subject of the action are expressed by adding the subjective pronouns 
•ts and -td (see § 24) to the suffix -il ; and as these pronouns begin with 

§S 44-45 



502 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

a consonant, they are merged with the imperative suffix by means of 
a weak a- vowel (see § 4). 

yu wi L/- to break 94.4 yu'L/ll qal'tc break his knife! 

tsxanu- to comb tsxa'nwll hl'qu 1 comb his hair! 

hln- to take along 23.2 hi' nil L/xml'tl take along his bow! 

Ian- to call 23.7 la' nil ll'ntc w ax call their (dual) 

names! 
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mxil td'Lt&nx tie their hands! 

hamxl'lats tclL you two tie his 

hands ! 
t. f E'mxu- to cut 48.12 t ! EmxuHatci xwa'Tca j t ou cut (off) 

his head! 

The prohibitive mode is expressed by combining the durative -Is 
(see § 69) with the suffix -ul (see § 35) and by placing the negation 
1cu\ Tcumi'ntc not before the verb (see § 40). 

yu wi L/- to break 94.4 Tcwlnx yu'L/lsul qal'tc don't break 

his knife! 
hamx- to tie 8.6 Jcumi 'iit&nx. halmxlsul tclL don't 

tie his hands! 
tsxanu- to comb Tcwlnx tsxa'nwlsul hl'qu' 1 don't 

comb his hair! 

§ 46. Imperative Suffiw Indicating that the Object is Possessed by 
a First Person -Ilts 

It expresses a command to perform an action, whose recipient is 
either possessed or forms an integral part of the first person. It is 
related to the imperative -Its (see § 42) and to the suffix -Hits discussed 
in § 36. The combined pronominal forms that are added to this suffix 
for the purpose of indicating the number of subject and possessor are 
identical with those discussed on pp. 472-475. 

xcll/- to make 50.8 xa'Lllltsin qal'tc fix my knife! 

xaniL- to wash xa'mLlltsm qa'nni wash my face! 

hln- to take along 23. 2 hl'nlltsatci sl'xa 1 you take my canoe 

along! 
hamx- to tie 8.6 ha' mxlltsanxan tclL tie our (excl.) 

hands! 

The prohibitive form is obtained by combining the durative -Is 
(see § 69) with the suffix -ults (see § 36). The negative particle ku\ 
Jcumi'ntc not must precede the verb,, while the pronouns expressing 

§ 46 



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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



503 



the person spoken to may be suffixed either to the negation or to the 
combined suffix (see § § 40, 26). 



tsxanu- to comb 
harnx- to tie 8.6 
Kin- to take along 23.2 



kwlnx tsxa' nwlsults Kl'qu 1 don't 

comb my hair! 
humi' ntc E ts ha'mxlsults tciL don't 

you two tie my hands! 
kwi'tci hl'nlsults Llxml'tl don't 

you take along my bow! 



§ 47, Imperative Suffloc Expressing Possessive Interrelations between 
Object and Subject -tsx 

In the imperative the suffix -tsx is used for expressing possessive 
interrelations between object and subject in both cases, when the object 
forms an integral part of the subject and when it is only separably con- 
nected with it. Considering that actions involved in such a command 
presuppose the presence of a pronominal subject and object, it is not 
improbable that the suffix -tsx may be related to the suffixes -uts 
and -%tx (see § § 23, 29, 33). For subjects other than the second person 
singular, the different subjective pronouns are added to -tsx (see 
§§24,4). 



M'n £ k/y to rain 78.1 

tsxanu- to comb 
Urfa'a- to open 28.2 
lah u - to take 7.5 
l/ox- to send 16.10 
pax- to close 36.16 
minx u - to lighten 38.5 

aHc- to trade 36.4 

lak u - to get 7.5 

hVn s k!y- to rain 78.1 



hi'n £ k/itsxL/a' ai cause (thy) rain to 

come down! 76.18 
tsxa'nutsx hl'qu 1 comb thy hair! 
Ihla'atsx zaa f open thy mouth! 
la'hutsx k E a'nl get thy basket! 
z/oxtsx Kite send thy man! 
paxtsx Jcopx shut thy eyes! 
mi'nx u tsx L!a' ai make lightning! 

38.5 
aHcna' hu tsxans let us two (incl). 

trade! 
la'huisxats ql'utc you two take 

your wives! 52.17 
hi'n s h!ltsxats L f .a tai you two cause 

your rain to descend 76.19 
h%n £ k!l'tsxatc% Lfa ,ai you fellows 

make rain! 



For the formation of the prohibitive mode see § 37. 



§ 47 



504 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 48, Exhortative Suffix Expressing Possessive Interrelations ^Be- 
tween Object and Subject -ItsmE (-a ! tsmE) 

This suffix may be called the imperativized form of the suffix -utsm 
denoting that the object is separably connected with the subject (see 
§ § 23, 34). It expresses, however, possessive relations between subject 
and object regardless of the kind of possession, and is used only 
in connection with the particle qaH (see § 129). By its means Sius- 
law expresses a desire addressed to the first and third persons that a 
certain act be performed upon an object that either forms an integral 
part of or else is separably connected with the third person. All 
subjective pronouns are added to the particle qaH (see §§ .24, 26). 
Siuslaw has no distinct suffixes for the purpose of expressing posses- 
sive relations with the first or second persons as the possessor, or rela- 
tions between subject and object. For the interchange between -ItsmE 
and -aHsmE see § 2. 

pax- to close 36.16 qaH paxa 1 'tsmE kopx let him shut 

his eyes! 
xcll/- to build 50.8 qa ir l E ns xaLll'tsmE Mtsl' 1 let us two 

(inch) fix his house! 
xamL- to wash qa if hix xamuHtsm.E qa'nm let them 

wash their faces! 
hits- to put on 11.8 qa l 'la u x ¥yatsl!tsmE lkwanu'q u let 

them two put on their (dual) 

hats! 

MODAL SUFFIXES (§§ 49-64) 
§49. Introductory 

In the succeeding chapters will be discussed, besides the suffixes 
that indicate the passive voice and the imperative and exhortative 
modes, also the formative elements expressing such concepts as recip- 
rocality, distribution, and tentative and negative actions. A separate 
section might have been devoted here to a discussion of the formative 
elements -u and -£, the former expressing the indicative and the latter 
indicating the imperative mode. Since, however, these two elements 
never occur alone, and since they have been fully discussed in connection 
with other suffixes (see §§ 23, 28, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 
48), it has been thought advisable to call attention here to their modal 
functions, but not to treat them separately. 

§§ 48-49 



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505 



§ 50. Reciprocal -naw(a), -mux u - 

-naw(a) precedes all other suffixes, and is followed by the subjec- 
tive pronouns. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit clus- 
ters of w-\- any consonant (excepting n), the w of this suffix changes 
into a voiceless w (written here hu ) before all consonants except n (see 
§ 4). For that reason the reciprocal -naw(a), when followed by the 
present -t (see § 72), the future -tux (see § 73), or by the imperative 
-Em (see § 61), is heard as -na h H, -na hu tux, and -na hu m respectively. 

The stem to which this suffix is added is not infrequently followed by 
the reflexive particle ts'ims (see § 123). The full form -nawa is added, 
when the suffix stands in final position; that is to say, when it ex- 
presses the subjective pronoun for the third person singular (see § 24). 



loI- to hit 



w%nx- to be afraid 17.6 
wad'- to speak 7.1 



s% f nxl- to desire 18.5 



vnnx- to fear 17.6 
tqul- to shout 52.8 
aHc- to trade 36.4 



Ldlna'wans we two (incl. ) hit each 
other 

Lolna'wa u xunts'%ms we two (excl.) 
hit each other 

Ldlna'wats ts'ims you two hit each 
other 

wm E xna'wa u x they two were afraid 
of each other 86.1, 2 

waana!wa u x they two talk to each 
other 10.4 

s E atsl'tc w ax waana'wa thus they 
two speak to each other 10.1, 2 

waana!wisa u x ants m a a'tl they two 
keep on talking to each other, 
those chiefs 78.8, 9 

a'tsanl kumi'ntc mi'lcfdna s%n l x- 
na'wls thus we (incl.) won't try 
to abuse one another (literally, 
thus we not badly will desire 
[to abuse] one another continu- 
ally) 78.12, 13 

w%n E xna'wanxan tsHms we (excl.) 
are afraid of one another. 

tqulna'wcbnx they shout at one an- 
other. 

aHcna' hu tux E ns we two (incl.) will 
trade 36.7 

Ha u x aHcna'haH then they two 
traded 36.7 



§ 50 



506 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Ldl- to hit Lolna' hu tuxts you two will hit each 

other 
Lolna' hu mats you two hit each other ! 
tqul- to shout 52.8 tqulna' hu tunxan we (excl.) will 

shout at one another 
yaq u *- to look 23.9 yaq u hma' hu matd look you at one 

another! 
waa'- to speak 7.1 waana' hu txanx iva'as they speak 

one another's language 
In two instances this suffix is followed by the verbalizing -a 1 imply- 
ing the commencement of a reciprocal action. For an explanation of 
this inchoative idea see § 75. 

waa'- to speak 7.1 atsl'tc w ax waanawa 1 ' thus they two 

(begin to) talk to each other 
78.13 

hun- to beat 72.17 u l E nx wan huna'wa 1 now they 

(begin to) beat one another 80.1. 

In a few instances this suffix is used to express distribution of 
action. 

t!E f mxu u - to cut 48.12 H t. f Emx u na' w u u n he cut it into 

pieces (literally, he cut it here 
and there) 52.23, 24 

Iqu'nwi knot lqunwina ,Jlu tun yd a 'xa i he made 

lots of knots (literally, he made 
many knots here and there) 

su'qu- to join 80.9 suq u na' hu tun he joined it together 

Ldpq- (?) 80.15 Ldpqana' hu tu?i he put them side by 

side 

dq- to take off 13.1 dqna' hu tun, he took it apart. 

-mux u - has the same function as the preceding -naw(a), but is 
employed less often, and seems to be confined to a limited number of 
stems. This suffix is frequently affected by the shifting of the accent 
(see § 12). 

waa 1 ' he says 8.9 waa ir muxwa u x they two*fe£lk to 

each other 10.6 
s E ats%'tca u x waa i 'mux u thus they 

two talk to each other 10.6, 7 
atsi'tc w ax waa'yEmxust thus they 
began to talk to each other 56.4 
waa' yEmx u sta u x the} 7 two began to 
talk to each other 48.13 

$ 50 



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507 



tcanhatl- to club 



MmaPL/- to hit 



tcanhatl' mxutxa u x q u Ll'mt ants 
jpEni's they two were clubbing 
each other's anus, those skunks 
86.9 

Mma^L/muxwanx they hit one 
another 



§ 51. Distributive -It 'ax 

This suffix expresses the distributive of intransitive verbs. Owing 
to the fact that most nouns, even without the aid of any specific device, 
may have the function of intransitive verbs, this suffix will be found 
added to nouns, especially to terms of relationship. The initial I is 
frequently changed into a 1 (see § 2). 

The form -If ax followed by certain subjective pronouns is subject to 
a peculiar law of contraction (see § 24). 

k!in- to hear 70.5 ~k! i na l 'faxtc wa'as xa'ts/u tnala'- 

a l two rivers will have one 
language (literally, hear mutu- 
ally their language [the people 
of] two rivers) 32.6, 7 

suqu- to join su'qvttfax ants hltsl' i xdL/l'yusnE 

adjoining these houses are built 
80.9, 10. 

Lapq- (?) alqa'tc Lfaya' H dn a x hltsl' 1 xa- 

Lla'yunE Ld'j?qa l tfax on one 
place three houses are built side 
by side 80.14, 15 



mctc- to fight 



m u u'sk u younger brother 56.6 



mictcl' 1 younger sister 40.2 



nl'ctcatfa u x st'^xyun (to) fight 

mutually they two want (with 

them) 52.2 
ma' skwltf a u x xa'ts! u wa u x younger 

brothers mutually they two 

(were) 40.18 
nl'ctcafa u x, ma' skwltf a u x = nl'ct- 

cafaxa u x, maskmtfaxa u x (see 

§24) 
ma'ctdtfanxan ( = ma' ctcitf axon - 

xan) sisters mutually we (excl.) 

are 

§ 51 



508 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



§ 52. Tentative -tc 9 

This suffix indicates an attempt on the part of the subject to perform 
a certain action, and may best be rendered by to attempt, to try . . . 
The native Siuslaw, unable to express its exact meaning, rendered it 
by various phrases, chiefly by sentences like to do something slowly, 
to "kind of" . . ., etc. Verbal stems ending in a consonant insert a 
weak vowel between its final sound and the suffix (see § 4). In ter- 
minal position this suffix appears as -ttfya (see § 24). 



yax- to see 34.4 



Lxat- to run 12.3 



Jcun- to beat 72.17 



t!uha'- to sell, to buy 74.5 

lit!- to eat 13.10 
mix- to swim 



stl'm E nx yaxatda'ioax there they 
intend to try to look 60.7 

ya'xatc'lst E nx lit Jay a' you (will) 
try to begin to look for food 13.7 

yaxatd a n1 wltin t/dmc I intend try- 
ing to look for my boy 60.1, 2 

Lxa'tatdist kfexu'tc l! ay a' to he 
begins to attempt to run every- 
where 13.8, 9 

H s E a tsl'JcIya kunu'tswa that one 
very (hard) tries to beat (them) 
78.18 

t!uhatc > i'ntxa u x (they two) try to 
sell their (dual) man} 7 (hides) 

li'Hatdin I eat slow!} 7 

ml'xatc'ya he is "kind of" swim- 
ming- 



§ 53. Negative -ll (-aU) 

This suffix expresses negation of action, and is used with intransitive 
verbs onty. Negation of transitive verbs by means of a special suffix 
is not exhibited. The verbal stem to which this suffix is added must 
be preceded by the negative particles ku\ TcumVntc not (see § 131). 
An explanation of the parallel occurrence of -ll and -oR is given in § 2. 

a u s- to sleep 23.9 



xintm- to travel 12.10 
d'nxl- to think 

ci'l'x- to move, to shake 27.2 
§§ 52-53 



~kiimi' ntc E nxan a u 'sll not we (excl.) 

sleep 70.19 
Jcumi'ntc nl'Jc/a xVntmll not alone 

he traveled 94.11 
JcurnVnto nictcl'te ci'nxll not (of) 

anything he was thinking 60. 

20, 21 
leu 1 ci'l'xll not he moved 27.2, 3 






boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 509 

wilw- to affirm, to answer 17.7 1m 1 ya r tsa wl'lwll not (for) a long 

time he answered 74.4 
ta*- to live 32.21 squ'ma H Tcumi'ntc ta'll inq/a'ltc 

pelican did not live in the bay 

44.1 
sine!- to be hungry 44.11 u ^ n kumi'ntc si'nq!a l l I (am) not 

hungry 44.15, 16 
xau- to die 40. 21 Jcumi'ntc xa'wll he does not die 15. 8 

Modal Elements of the Passive Voice (§§ 54-59) 

§ 54. Introductory 

Siuslaw employs a great number of suffixes for the purpose of 
expressing the passive voice. Many of these suffixes express, besides 
the passive idea, some other grammatical category, and according to 
this secondary function they may be divided into the following classes: 

(1) Pure passive suffixes. 

(2) Suffixes conveying the passive voice and temporal categories. 

(3) Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and possessive interrela- 
tions. 

The suffixes of the last category have been fully discussed in §§38 

and 39. 

§ 55. Present Passive -xam 

It expresses the present tense of the passive voice, and may be added 
directly to the stem or may be preceded by the verbalizing suffix -a 1 
(-1) (see §§ 75, 2). In the latter case it conveys an inchoative passive 
idea. Id narratives this suffix assumes the function of an historic pres- 
ent. Stems ending in a consonant insert a weak vowel between their 
final sound and the suffix (see § 4). 

Ll°wa f x- to send 7.7 H wan hloxaJxam then finally he 

was sent 16.10 
qaa- to enter 44.4 SExcft'tc qaa'xam into a canoe it 

was put in 34.5 
waa'- to speak 7.1 waa'xam s E atsi'tc he was told thus 

8.1 
wilw- to affirm 17. 7 wllwa'xam he was answered " yes " 

30.11 
skwa- to stand 10.9 skwaha'xam ants xaHca'a) 1 placed 

was that roast (in the fire) 90.9 
hatd- to ask 66.16 H hatcH'xdm he was asked 66.16 

lah u - to get, to take 7.5 tdmtca'mi lokwl'xam an ax was 

seized 27. 10 

$5 54-55 



510 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

In two instances the verbal stem, to which this suffix is added, has 
been reduplicated (see § 107). 

li'u he comes 9.3 H wan LllLlwa'xam finally he was 

approached 16.3 

tEinu- to assemble 7 , 3 t/Emt/ma'xam wan they come to 

see him now (literally, he is 
assembled about, now) 23.3, 4 

For forms in -xamltx, expressing passives with indirect object, the 
grammatical subject being the property of the indirect object, see § 39. 

§ 56, Future Passives in -atam, -I (-a 1 ), -aa« 

These suffixes indicate the future tense of the passive voice. No 
explanation for the occurrence of the variety of forms can be given. 
Similarly, all attempts to correlate these different suffixes with certain 
stems have been without results. 

-atmn is added directly to stems. Stems ending in a- vowels con- 
tract this vowel with the initial a of the suffix (see § 9). Final I 
and u of the stem are diphthongized into ya and wa respectively 
before the addition of the suffix (see § 7). 

tEmu- to assemble 7.3 nictci'tc E tci tE tEm u wd 'tarn . . . 

why these you, will be assem- 
bled 30.17 
qn u% - to find 34.12 qn u 'wa'tamin I will be found 

s E a'tsa thus 8.7 s E atsa'tamin thus it will (be done) 

to me 
Tc/a'- to invite 16.3 Jc/aha'tamanx you will be invited 

waa'- to speak 7.1 waa'tam he will be told 

hln- to take along 23.2 hina'tam it will be taken along 

Bj adding to -atam the objective form -un (see § 28) a compound 
suffix -atamun is obtained which exercises the function of a causative 
passive for the future tense. No examples of this formation have been 
found in the texts. 

kin- to take along 23.2 hina' tamun he will cause him to 

be taken along 
shwa- to stand 10.9 skwaha 'tamun I will cause him to 

be placed 
skwaha' tamun = skwaha' tamunin 
(see § 15) 
§ 56 






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511 



tun- to invite 16.2 



tuna'tamun I will cause him to 
be invited 



-1 {-a 1 ). This suffix must not be confounded with the nominalizing 
suffix of identical phonetic value. The stem to which it is added 
invariably undergoes a phonetic change, which may be called stem- 
amplification (see § 112). An explanation for the parallel occurrence 
of -I and -a 1 is found in § 2. 



hin- to take along 23.2 
Jcun- to beat 72.17 
loI- to hit 
hakw- to fall 8.7 



ana'x- to give up 16.8 

l!xux u - reduplicated form of 
l/xu- to know 40.16 



Mya'nln I shall be taken along 
h u wa n nln I shall be beaten 
L°wa'llnx you will get hit 
Ha u x tci'ioatc hakwa'a 1 they two 

into the water will be thrown 

88.7, 8 
nlctx h w a'naxa 1 suppose he be 

given up 64.26 
L!x u wa'xwln I shall be known 



-aa u occurs more frequently than the two previously discussed suf- 
fixes, and is added to the bare stem. Stems ending in a contract their 
final vowel with the initial a of the suffix (see § 9). Sometimes, but 
not as a rule, the stem is amplified before adding the future passive 
-aa u . This suffix usually requires the accent. 



xnl w n- to do 10.5 
Llxmal'- to kill 15.3 

tun- to invite 
ma'qll- to dance 28.7 

l/ox- to send 16.10 

xau- to die 40.21 
hin- to take along 9.5 



yaP'xa 1 hutca 1 ' xnl w na'a u much 

playing will be done 9.6, 7 
Hn kumi'ntc sfrtxyun Lfxmaya'a u 

I not want it (that) he shall be 

killed 15.8, 16.2 
s E a'tsa tuna!a u thus he will be 

invited 16.2 
atsl'tc waa'xam mEqletna'a 11 thus 

it was said, U A dance will be 

arranged for him" 19.1, 2 
ci'ntxyat/ya ants Mtc L!oxa'a u was 

thinking that man (who) was 

going to be sent 19.8, 9 
s% r n l xyunE xawa! a u it was desired 

(that) he be killed 24.1 
wan Mna'a w now he will be taken 

along 25.1 



512 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

tutc- to spear 62.2 tPwatca'a w it will be speared 62.8 

lak u - to get 7.5 kumi'ntc E nx txu lakwa!a u , tuha'- 

a u nx ya a 'xa not for nothing they 
will get you, they will buy you 
big (literally, not you just taken 
will be, bought you will be 
much) 74.16, 17 

§ 57. Past Passive -xamyax 

This suffix is (loosely) composed of the present passive -xam (see 
§ 55) and of the suffix for the past tense -yax (see § 74). 

qnu- to find 56.9 iAm.nd K q qn uK wa' xamyax elk was 

found 34.12, 13 
lak u - to seize 7.5 ants hltc lokwV xamyax that man 

(who) was seized 60.12 
s E a! tsa thus 11.10 s E 'at st 'xamyax thus it was (done) 

32.16 
hlq!- to start 15.1 s E a'tsa Mq! a' xamyax thus it was 

started 32.16 

xau' he died 40.21 xa^wl! xamyax he was killed 29.6 

That the composition of this suffix is felt to be rather loose may be 
best inferred from the fact that the sign of the past {-yax) may pre- 
cede the passive suffix -xam, as is shown in the following instances: 

ci'nxl- to think 60.21 cn!n i xyaxams E a / tsl , tc it was thought 

thus 27.6 
hu 1 - (?) to lose hu if yaxan (I) got lost 68.2 

yakfl'tc- in pieces 96.11 yak Ilteya'xamxwa'katc into pieces 

was (cut) his head 29.4, 5 
tc!ha u c- to be glad 27.1 tc!lia u cya'xam wan gladness was 

felt now 23.3 

In all these instances the suffix -yaxam, has resulted from an origi- 
nal -yaxxam (see § 15). 

§ 58, Passive Verbs in -utn- (-a^tn-), -u'nE (-a^'nE) 

These suffixes are extensively employed in the formation of the 
passive voice; alone they do not express any particular tense. 
They may be added either directly to the stem, or to the stem ver- 
balized by means of the suffix -a 1 (see § 75). The subjective suffixes 
are added to these suffixes by means of a weak vowel (see § 4); but 
since the third person singular has no distinct form, and as clusters of 

§§ 57-58 



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513 



consonants in final position are inadmissible, the form of this suffix in 
terminal position is always -utriE (-aHnE). 

•The form -utie has resulted from the change of the t of -utn- to a 
weak aspiration (see § 16). The interchange between u and a? has 
been discussed in § 2. 



u l qa'LxutnE then it was counted 

s E a'tsa xnl' w nutnE thus it was done 
62.9 

kumi'ntc mctcl'tc wa a 'aHnE noth- 
ing was said 18.3 

pd'l'u qatcuHxaHnE (from the) 
well it is drunk 76.12 
lhall'tx- to shout continually Ihall'txaHnE he is continually 



qaLx- to count 8.5 
xm w n- to do 10.5 

waa- to speak 7.1 

gateut'tx he drinks 



11.10 

waa 1 ' he says 8.9 

tutca 1 ' he spears 62.2 
xahfa 1 ' he makes 50.8 

xnl w n- to do 10.5 

miltc- to burn 26.9 

waa 1 ' he says 8.9 

xcLlIo 1 ' he makes 50.8 

k/a- to invite 16.3 



si'nxi- to desire 18.5 

l fornix- to tell continually 



shouted at 
atsl'tc l n waa'yutnE thus I am told 

20.6 
tutca'yutriE it is speared 8.7 
tsi'Lll Lfa fai H xahla'yutnE 

many arrows are made 78.6 
s%'tsa xnl' w nunE thus it is done 

74.2 
ma'ltcunE ants hltsl H a fire was 

built (in) that house 25.2 
s E atsl'tc waa'yurtE ants hltc thus 

was told that man 30.2, 3 
Tcllx tE*q xaLfa'yunE everything 

is made 78.5, 6 
k/afia'yunin I am invited 17.9 
k/aha'yunanx thou art invited 

16.3 
Jc/aha'yunatci you are invited 

30.10 
si'n l xyunanx m'utux you are 

wanted (to) come 19.7, 8 
atsl'tc Llonl'txa^nE thus it is fre- 
quently said 16.9 



When preceded by the sign of the past tense, -yax (see § 74), these 
suffixes denote the passive voice of the past tense. 

hatd- to ask 66.16 atsl'tc waa 1 ' ants ha'tdyaxa^'tnE 

thus said that one (who) was 

asked 66.24, 25 

§ 58 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 33 



514 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

haw- to finish 14.6 ... ants hitsl' l ha u wa 1 ' sty axaHnE 

(when) that house began to be 
finished 

§ 59, Durative Passives in -Isutn- (-Isu'nE), -usn- 

-isutn- (-Isu'tie). This suffix is composed of the durative -is (see 
§ 69) and of the passive -utn- (see § 58). It denotes a passive action 
of long duration. Owing to its durative character, the verbal stem to 
which this suffix is added is frequently amplified (see § 112) or dupli- 
cated (see § 107). -Isutn- interchanges constantly with -ahutn- (see 
§§2, 69). The subjective pronouns are added by means of a weak 
vowel. In final position it occurs as -IsutnE, because a final cluster of 
t+n is inadmissible (see § 4). The change of the t to a weak aspi- 
ration in -lsu'nE has been fully discussed in § 16 (see also § 58). 

Ian- to call by name lafnlsutnE ants Kite he is constantly 

called, that man 23.7 

cil'x- to shake 27.3 ci'l'xlsutnEhe is constantly shaken 

27.2 

waa'- to speak 7.1 • atsl'tc wa'a l sunE thus he is always 

told 24.2 

hits- to put on 11.8 ¥ya' tslsutnE it is frequently put 

on 11:7 

Ll'u (they) come 9.3 hllLlwl'sutnE he is being ap- 

proached 26.2 

yaq u '- to look 23.9 ya'q u hlsunE he is continually 

watched 26.1 

qaLx- to count 8.5 qa'LxlsunE it is being counted 

62.11 

waa'- to speak 7.1 atsi'tc waa v sunE thus he is being 

told 23.10 

hal- to shout 13. 11 lhall'sunE he is continually 

shouted at 14.2 

l !xu- to know 40.16 M? l\xu' xu l su c nE tcaltcl'tc ants 

xint not it was known where 
that one went 64.15, 16 

-usn- is a combined suffix. Its first element is undoubtedly the du- 
rative -us (see § 69); while the second component seems to represent 
an abbreviated form of the passive suffix -utn-, discussed in § 58. It 
indicates a passive action of long duration or frequent occurrence, and 
may best be rendered by it would . . . 

§ 59 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 515 

This suffix is always added to the verbal stem by means of the ver- 
balizing -a 1 (changed into -1; see § 75). Both -I and -a 1 are subject to 
consonantization before the initial vowel of the passive suffix, so that 
this suffix invariably occurs as -iyusn- or -ayiisn- (see § 8). In a few 
instances it appears as -e l y%sn- (see § 2). The subjective pronouns 
beginning with a consonant are added to this suffix by means of a 
weak vowel; and as a third person singular has no special form, and 
since a terminal cluster of s + n is inadmissible, these suffixes in termi- 
nal position always appear as -usue, -lyusnE or -ayusnE (see § 4). 

tqul- to shout 52.8 tqvM'yusnE ants tcixni'nE he is 

always shouted at, that raccoon 

76.16, 17 
hal- to shout 13.11 lhall'yusnE he would be shouted 

at 70.22 
waa!- to speak 7. 1 atsl'tc waa'yusnE thus he would 

be told 24.7 
Ian- to call 23.7 lanatll'yusnE he is continually 

called 76.17, 18 
tu- to buy 74.17 tuha'yusnE she would be bought 

74.18, 19 
xnl w n- to do 10.15 s E a'tsa xm w nl'yusnE thus it would 

be done 76.5 
%lq- to dig 84.2 Uqe if yusnE ants Lfa' ai dug would 

be the ground 80.6 
xoll!- to make 50.8 xaLll'yusnE ants hltsl' 1 made is 

that house 80.13 

In one instance this suffix has been added to a verbal stem by means 
of the verbalizing -u l (see § 75). 

tcin w - to pack tcin w u f yusnE H qatc E ni f yus?iE they 

pack it and go (literally, it is 
packed and carried off) 100.20 

In another instance the suffix appears as -wusnE. 

lVu (they) come 9.3 Llmi'kcu Lvwi'wusnE flounder is 

brought continually 100.10 

This occurrence of the w before -usnE may be explained as due to 
retrogressive assimilation; that is to say, the original y has been 
changed into w to agree in character with the w of the stem mwa v he 
comes. 

§ 59 



516 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Modal Elements of the Imperative and Exhortative Modes (§§ 60-64) 
§ 60. Introductory 

Attention has been called in § 40 to the variety of suffixes that are 
emplo}ed in Siuslaw for the purpose of expressing the imperative 
mode. By far the majority of these suffixes indicate, besides the im- 
perative idea, also pronominal and possessive interrelations between 
subject and object. These have been treated as primarily objective 
forms, and have been fully discussed in § § 40-48. In the following 
sections only such suffixes will be discussed the primary functions 
of which are those of an imperative mode. 

Siuslaw makes a clear distinction between a true imperative, a pro- 
hibitive, and an exhortative mode, and expresses these three varieties 
by means of distinct formative elements. 

The difference between the ideas expressed by the imperative and 
exhortative is one of degree rather than of contents. The imperative 
expresses a command more or less peremptory; while the exhortative 
conveys an admonition, a wish. Furthermore, the exhortative rarely 
applies to the second person as the subject of the action. All exhor- 
tative expressions are preceded by the particle qa l l (see § 129) and are 
rendered by let me, him . . . , permit me to . . . , may i . . . , etc 

§ 61. Imperative Suffix for Intransitive Verbs -Em 

This suffix is added to intransitive verbs only, regardless of whether 
they express a real active idea or a mere condition. It is suffixed di- 
rectly to the verbal stem; and when added to stems that end in a 
vowel, the obscure e of the suffix is contracted with the vowel of the 
stem. In such contractions the quality and quantity of the stem- vowel 
usually predominate (see § 9). The second person singular is not ex- 
pressed. The imperative for the second persons dual and plural is 
obtained by suffixing to -Em the subjective pronouns -ts and -tci re- 
spectively (see § 24). These pronouns are added by means of a weak 
a- vowel (see § 4). 

lit!- to eat 13.10 ll'tlEm eat! 40.26 

lewis- to wake up 40.9 Icwl'sEm wake up! 58.5 

waa'- to speak 7.1 wo! am speak! 

qatc E n- to go 8.2 qa'tcriEm go! 

ma!q!%- to dance 28.7 maqfyEm dance! 

§§ 60-61 



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517 



haw- to quit, to end 14.6 
qatc E n- to go*8.2 
tqul- to shout 52.8 
qdtx- to cry 58.15 
xaV-n- to climb up 12.4 



ha'um quit! 

qa'tc7iEmats you two go! 
tqu'lEmats you two shout! 
qa'txEmatci you cry! 
xa'foiEmatci you climb up! 



In negative sentences the imperative suffix -Em is replaced by the 
durative -is (see § 69). The whole phrase is preceded by the particle 
of negation leu 1 , Tcumi'ntc not (see § 131), to which are added the sub- 
jective pronouns for the second persons (see §§ 24, 26). 

Tcwl'nx xi'ntmls don't travel! 
Tcwlnx a u 'sis don't sleep! 23.9 
Icwlnx qa i ha'ntcls don't (go) far 

away! 56.21 
Icwlnx s E atsl'tc wa'a l s don't thus 



xintm- to travel 12. 10 
a u s- to sleep 24.1 
qatha'ntc far 10.3 



woa'- to speak 7.1 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 
ma!q!%- to dance 28.7 



say! 50.1 
TcuHs qa'tc E nls don't you two go! 

54.23, 56.1 
leumi' 'ntc E tci ma' q lis don't ye 

dance! 



By suffixing to the imperative tne subjective pronouns for the first 
persons dual and plural (see § 24), an exhortative mode for these per- 
sons is obtained. 



tca'xum go! 
U'tlEm eat! 40.26 
na'lEm start! 



tca'xumans let us two (incl.) go! 
- 58.5 

1%'tlEmans let us two (incl.) eat' 
IVtlEmcml let us (incl.) eat! 
na'lEmanl let us (incl.) start! 



§ 62, Imperative Suffix for Transitive Verbs -is (-a*s) 

This suffix expresses an imperative transitive idea. It must not be 
confused with the durative suffix -Is (see § 69), the phonetic resem- 
blance between these two suffixes being purely accidental. It must 
be borne in mind that the durative -Is indicates an intransitive action, 
and is made transitive b} T the addition of the transitive -un (see § 28). 

The student is easily apt to confuse these two suffixes, because in 
the prohibitive mode the transitivized durative -%sun (see p. 518) is 
used; but this use is perfectly logical, since a transitive prohibitive is 
intimately connected with the idea of a (negated) action of long dura- 
tion performed by a second person as subject. 

§ 62 



518 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY • [bull. 40 

The following table may best serve to distinguish at a glance be- 
tween the different suffixes in -Is that occur in Siuslaw: 



Not related 

Related 


-is transitive imperative 
-isun transitive prohibitive 


-is intransitive durative 
-Isun transitive durative 



The imperative for the second persons dual und plural is not often 
expressed by suffixing to -Is the subjective pronouns -is and -tci re- 
spectively (see § 24), because the subjective pronouns are usually suf- 
fixed to attributes and particles that precede the verbal term (see § 26). 
The interchange Detween -I and -a 1 has been discussed in § 2. 

waa'- to talk 7. 1 wa'ah talk to him ! 76. 18 

L/wan- to tell 7.3 Llwa'nls tell him! 30.13 

hi'satd Llwa'nls well you tell 
(them)! 30.3 
tutc- to spear 62.2 t°wa'tds spear it! 64.2 

Kin- to take along 9.5 hl'nlst&ke it along! 

skwa- to stand 10.9 skwa' ha 1 s set it up! 

liamx- to tie 8.6 ha'mxls tie it! 

qatcFn- to go 8.2 qa'tc E nlsats you two make him go! 

lit!- to eat 13.10 ll'tllsatci you eat it! 

In negative sentences the imperative suffix is replaced by the tran- 
sitive form of the durative. -Isun (see § 69). The verb is preceded by 
the negative particle Jcu\ kumi'ntc, used in connection with the subjec- 
tive pronouns for the second persons (see §§ 131, 40). 

L/wan- to tell 7.3 Tcwl'nx Lfwa'nlsun don't you tell 

him! 17.1, 2 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 Tcwlnx qa'tc E nlsun don't you make 

him go! 
hln- to take along 9.5 'kumi'ntc i nx hl'nlsun don't you 

take it along! 

The exhortative for the first persons is formed by adding to -Is the 
subjective pronouns for these persons (see § 24). 

lak u - to take 7.5 la'lcwlsans let us two (incl.) take it! 

haw- to quit, to stop 14.6 Jia'wlsanl let us (incl.) stop it! 

§ 03. Intransitive Exhortative -ixmi (-a^mi) 

This suffix expresses an admonition, addressed to a first or third 
person, to perform an action that has no object. The verb must be 
preceded by the exhortative particle qaH (see § 129), and the subjective 

§ 63 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 519 

pronouns indicating the subject of the action are added to this parti- 
cle and never to the exhortative suffix (see § 26). 

The reasons for the interchange between -%xmi and -a l xmi are 
discussed in § 2. 

qatc E n- to go 8.2 qa*l qatc E nl f xm.i let him go I 

a u s- to sleep 23.9 qaHn a u sl'xm% let me sleep! 

waa r - to speak 7.1 qa v l E ns waa l 'xm% let us two (incl.) 

speak! 
ma'q/H to dance 28.7 qa if l E nxan maq/l f xmi\et us (excl.) 

dance! 
hal- to shout 13.11 qa l 'l E nl hali'xmi let us (incl.) 

shout! 
qatcu- to drink 76. 12 qa l 'l E nx qatcu 1 ' xmi let them drink ! 

lit!- to eat 13.10 qaH lltli'xmi let him eat! 

In one single instance the exhortative for a second person (singular) 
occurs. The suffix is followed by the future passive -i (see § 56), and 
the exhortative particle is missing. 

maltc- to burn 25.2 miltci'xminx you may get burned 

(literally, to burn [exhortative, 
future passive] thou) 26.9 
§ 64, Exhortative -1 
This suffix admonishes the speaker to perform an act, the object of 
which must be one of the second persons, and may best be rendered 
into English by let me, thee .... The object of the action is 
expressed by adding the subjective pronouns to this suffix (see § 24) 
by means of a weak a- vow el (see § 4). Singular subjects are not ex- 
pressed phonetically ; duality or plurality of subject is indicated by 
means of the independent personal pronouns (see § 113). The particle 
lc u (see § 127) frequently follows these exhortative forms, and, when 
preceding a form with the second person singular as the object (-lanx), 
it changes the final x into a (see § 4). 

L/wdn- to tell 17.1 L/wd'nlanx let me tell thee! 

loI- to hit LolE'lats let me hit you two! 

hate*- to ask 66.16 ha'tdlatdb let me ask you! 

L/wdn- to tell 17.1 L!wd'nlanak u let me tell thee! 

<L!wd'nlanxTc u 

For other devices employed in Siuslaw for the purpose of express- 
ing the exhortative mode, see § 129. 

§ 64 



520 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

TEMPORAL SUFFIXES (§§ 65-74) 
§65. Introductory 

Siuslaw shows a rich development of the category of time, and em- 
ploys a variety- of suffixes for the purpose of denoting- the different 
tenses of actions and conditions. The simple form of the verb has 
an indefinite character and is used to denote past and present occur- 
rences, but otherwise the temporal classification is strictly adhered to. 

All temporal suffixes may be divided into semi-temporal and true 
temporal suffixes. Primarily, each of these suffixes expresses the tense 
of an intransitive action only; but by suffixing to the tense sign 
transitive suffixes, such as -wn, -uts, etc., the same idea of time for 
transitive occurrences is obtained. The only exceptions are found in 
the intentional and future tenses, which show two separate forms — 
one for intransitive verbs and the other for transitive actions (see 
§§41, TO, 73). 

Semi-temporal Suffixes (§§ 66-70) 
§ 66. Inchoative ~st 

This suffix denotes the commencement of an action, and assumes in 
some instances a transitional significance. Stems ending in a con- 
sonant insert a weak vowel between the final consonant and the initial 
element of the suffix (see § 4). When it is desired to express the 
inchoative tense of a transitive action, the transitive -un or any of the 
other transitive forms is added to the suffix (see §§ 27 et seq.). 

qwaxtc- to go towards 62.8. H qwa'xtcisl tcVwatc and she began 

to go towards the water 90.22 
maltc- to burn 25.2 mi'ltcist he began to burn 29.3 

L/xatatd- to attempt to run Lxa'tatdist Tclexu'te Llaya'tc he 

begins to attempt to run in all 

directions 13.8, 9 
qaV- to be tired qa if nust a'ntsHc m u u'sk u he began 

to get tired, his younger brother 

58.11 
qatx- to cry 58.15 u la u x stim qa 'txast and they two 

there began to cry 58.17 
wiltc- to send qamUa'tc wi'ltcAstun her father 

(discriminative) began to send 

her 92.20 
mate- to lie 38.21 s E atsl'tc mi'tcistun . . . thus he 

began to fell ... 94.7, 8 
§§ 65-66 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 521 

ha'mnU!- to believe 78.1, 2 H wan ha'n E ni't!istun and finally 

she began to believe him 46.3 

In a few instances this suffix will be found added to a stem after the 
same has been verbalized by means of the suffix -a 1 (see § 75). 

xintm- to travel about 12.10 Jc/earuftc Llaya'tc u l E nx xi'ntmatst 

everywhere they began to travel 

about 72.20 
s^aHvfni psffitc xi r ntma i stun the 

big one first he began to take 

along 92.18 
wusi- to be sleepy wusya'aHt ants mi'Jc/a Kite began 

to feel sleepy that bad man 26. 

1,2 
wusya'a i stm I begin to feel sleepy 

26.8 
lit!- to eat 13.10 wa'nwUs It !l 'stun already he (had) 

commenced to devour him 94.19 

(l = a i see § 2) 

It sometimes follows the other true temporal suffixes, lending to the 
inchoative action a definite tense. 

planyaH- to be sorry (present planya^tistutsmE haHc he began 

tense) to feel sorry for his (boy) 40.21 

maltc- to burn 25. 2 H maltci'ust he will begin to build a 

fire 90.6 

In a number of cases this suffix expresses an adjectival idea. 

pin- to be sick 40.21 ants plnast he (who) begins to get 

sick, he (who) is sick : hence the 
sick (man) 86.15 

yVg!a u - to split y%'q!a u st qfa'tt pitch (that) begins 

to split, split pitch 

haw- to finish 14.6 ha u wa i 'st finished 

tsima'st any kind of a place (sic) 
66.6 

§ 67. Terminative -Ixa 1 (-a^a 1 ) 

This suffix expresses termination of an action. The stem to which 
it is suffixed must be preceded by some form of the verb hau- to end, 
to finish. For the interchange between -Ixa 1 and -a % xa l see § 2. 

§ 67 



522 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



pitc- to go over 88.15 



hau'un p%tca l 'xa i 1 quit going over 
(logs) 

hau'un qatxat'xa 1 I quit crying 

hau'tx waltl'xa 1 it stopped snow- 
ing 

hau'txan hala lf xa i I stopped shout- 
ing 

hau'ln hamxi'xa 1 I quit tying 
"his . . . 

hau'ln Inat'xa 1 llntc I quit calling 
his name 

hau'ln waa l 'xa i I quit talking to 
him 

It seems that the terminative suffix is frequently subject to the law 
of vocalic harmony, in spite of the fact that Siuslaw makes but little 
attempt at the harmonization of its vowels (see § 11). I have found 
a few examples showing that the initial vowel of the suffix has been 
assimilated to the quality of the vowel of the stem. Whether this rule 
applies to all cases could not be determined with any degree of cer- 
tainty. 



qatx- to cry 58.15 
wait- to snow 

hal- to shout 13.11 

hamx- to tie 8.6 

In- to call 

waa'- to talk 7.1 



xun- to snore 27.9 
hun- it gets dark 34. 8 
tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 



hau'txan xunu i 'xa i (and not xuna v - 
xa 1 ) I quit snoring 

hau'tx hu?iu i 'xa i L/a' ai (aYid not hu- 
na l 'xa l ) it stopped getting dark 

ha/H'tx tEma u ya u 'xa 1 hltu'tc (and 
not tE?na' a ya l 'xa i ) he quit as- 
sembling (the) people 



§ 68. Frequentatives -at!I, -Itx (-a*tx) 

-at ft denotes frequency of action, and may best be rendered by 
frequently, always. In the first person singular the final long 
vowel of this suffix is shortened (see § 24). In terminal position the 
suffix -at/i is often changed into -at/ya (see §§7, 24). 

<yb'n l xyat!ya he is always thinking 

12.4 
ha'hwatfya it always falls down 

90.12 
qa'ttfnatfya he frequently goes 

14.5 



d'nxi- to think 60.21 
hakw- to fall 8.7 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 
nakwa 1 - to be poor 
68 



TiaJcvja'yatyanxan we (excl.) are 
always poor 76.19 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 523 

l%'u- to come 9.2 ni'ctcim sqa l Tc Ll'watfl because 

there he came frequently 68.4, 5 

ta l - to live 16.2 pi'Hsis ta'yatH in the ocean he 

always lived 44.18 

qaa'- to enter 34.5 nictci'tcanx tanx Tcu 1 qaa r t!% %n- 

q!a'a l tc why do you, this one, 
not frequently come into the 
river? 44.3, 4 

In one instance this suffix occurs as -t!l. 

Tclap- low tide 36.18 tE Idapat'tH inq/a'a 1 (so that) al- 

ways dry (may be) this river 38.2 

When frequency of action in transitive verbs is to be expressed, 
the transitive suffixes are added to the frequentative -at/i. This 
suffix amalgamates with the transitive -un into -atlyun (see § 8). 

ci'nxl- to think 60.21 dn { xyat/yun mUa'ln I am always 

thinking of my father 

dl'x- to shake 27.2 a! I' xy atlyun qna I always shake it 

planya 1 ' he is sorry tsi'k/ya planya 1 ' tlyun haHc (ev- 

erybody) is very sorry for him, 
(everybody) hates him 19.2, 3 
( < planyatya'tlyun). 

ta { - to sit, to live 16.2 ants t!%'t!yun (<taya't!yun) that 

(on which) he was sitting 94.6 

"%t x has the same function as -at ft, and was invariably rendered by 
constantly, always. It is usually preceded or followed by the tem- 
poral adverb Inat always (see § 120). The phonetic resemblance be- 
tween this suffix and the objective -Ux (see § 33) I believe to be purely 
accidental. This suffix occurs often as -a l tx (see § 2). 

qatc E n- to go 8.2 ya a( xa u x z/dna if a'ntsux qatc E ni'tx 

much they two talk, those two 
(who) keep on going 56.7 

p a a if Ln- to hunt 15.3 tsi'mqmatc u l E nx paLnl'tx some of 

them are constantly hunting 
82.16, 17 

ma'q!%- to dance 28.7 mEq!a l 'tx he always dances 86.2 

I 68 



524 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



xil'xci- to work 48.10 

si'nxl- to desire 18.5 

taqn- to be full 60.19 
yixum- to watch 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 



xi'l'xcitxa u x a'ntdtcx u ma'tl they 

two were constantly fixing those 

their (dual) dams 50.3, 4 
sVnxltx tEtc mictd'i he always 

wants that her younger sister 

92.13, 14 
taqani'tx hltu'stc it is always full 

of people 70.3, 4 
yixumV txana u x they two were 

constantly watching him 94. 1 
qatchnl 'txcfin Inat I always make 

him go 



In a few instances, especially when following other suffixes, the 
frequentative -Ux seems to lose its initial I. 



hawd 1 ' it ends 14.6 



tluhatc'ln- to try to sell sev- 
erally (?) 



yuL. f - to break 



hawat'stx ants Llya'wa he begins 
to finish (kindling) that fire 
(hawa if stx < hawat'st + - tx, see 
§ 15) 90.7, 8 

yaxa v txa u x tdtc w ax Iqla'nu u la u x 
t!uhatcH'ntxa u x (when) they 
begin to multiply (have much) 
these their (dual) hides, then 
they two constantly tried to sell 
them 100. 19- 

yu wi L/a'tx qa u xunu f it constantly 
broke on the top 94.4 



These three examples may also be explained as demonstrating the 
application of the pronominal suffix -Ux (see § 33). 

§ 69. Duratives -is (-ate), -us 

Duration of action is expressed in Siuslaw by means of the suffix -s, 
which, however, never occurs alone. It invariably enters into compo- 
sition with other suffixes, such as the suffix for the past tense, for the 
passive voice, etc., or it is preceded by either £ or u. It is not in- 
conceivable that this durative -s may be related to the auxiliary -s (see 
§ 76). The difference between -4s and -us seems to be of a true tem- 
poral nature. 

"Is (~a l s) denotes duration, continuation of action of a clearly 
marked future significance, and, owing to this future character, it is 
employed extensively in the formation of the imperative mode (see 

§ 69 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



525 



ta l - to live, to stay 16.2 



ma q!%- 



to dance 28.7 



§§ 60, 62). Transitive verbs add -un or its equivalents (see § 28) to 
the durative -Is. For the interchange between -Is and -a l s see § 2. 

xint- to travel 23. 1 tci'wans xi'ntls to the water we two 

(inch) will keep on traveling 92.9 

stlm ta'ls there he kept on staying 
70.12 

wa l ya'tsa u ln ma'q/ls even for a 
long time I still keep on dan- 
cing 72.10 

s E a'tsanl xnl' w nls thus we (incl.) 
will do every time 72.14, 15 

atsl'tG wa'a l s ants hltc thus kept 
on saying the man 25.9 

skwa'ha l s ants hltc continually 
standing is that man 64.11 

qnl'xts E nx xnl' w nlsun you will con- 
tinually do it 70.11, 12 

atsl'to wa'a l sun thus he kept on 
saying to him 64.14 

Hns tkwaJ mlsvUn and we two (incl.) 
still will keep on making dams 
48.14 

qa'Lxesun ants tsxayu' wi (they) 
keep on counting those days 8.5 

-its is suffixed mostly to stems that have been verbalized by means 
of the suffix -a} (see § 75), and expresses a continuative action per- 
formed in the present tense. It applies to transitive verbs having 
a third person object. Examples for similar forms with a second 
person object were not obtained. 



xnl w n- to do 10.5 
waa'- to speak 7. 1 
skiva- to stand 10.9 
xnl w n- to do 10.5 
vjaa'- to speak 7. 1 
tkum- to make a dam 48.8 

qaLx- to count 62.8 



ilqa 1 ' he digs 84. 2 



(L/xmay- to kill 16.1 
[lit/- to eat 13.10 

tkum- to make a dam 48.8 



lI'u (they) come 9.3 
ha u wa i na i - to finish 



a'ntsux Uqa'yus ants L/a' ai those 
two (who) continually dig that 
ground 

H s E as L/xmal'yus H llt/l'yus and 
he would kill and devour him 
15.3, 4 

tcl'~k w ax tkwaml'yus L/a' ai where- 
ever they two were making dams 
52.24 

u la u x Itfl'a 1 l /%l /wl'yus to them two 
salmon continually came 98.16 

Jia uw a i nl , yusa u x wan they two fin- 
ish it finally 84.6, 7 

§ 69 



526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

yax- to see 20.10 yaxi'iUfa tE sl'xa 1 (whenever) I 

saw that canoe (coming) 100. 8, 9 

qn*w to find 34.12 H E nx qnuwl'wus ya af xa i hitcu' wi 

they would find lots of people 
(qnu*wi f wus < qnuwl'yus) 66.22 

By suffixing the durative -s to the sign for the past tense, -yax (see 
§ 74) a compound suffix -yaxs is obtained which denotes an action of 
long duration performed in the past. This suffix is often contracted 
into -Ixs (see § 9). 

a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u 'syaxsin, a u 'sixsin I had been 

sleeping 
qatc uw - to drink 76.11 qa r tcwa l xs, qa'tcwayaxs he had been 

drinking 
lit!- to eat 13.10 li't/yaxsin I have been eating 

PeJcu' u - to play shinny 9.4 pa'Tc&xsin, pd f k u yaxsi?i I have 

been playing shinny 

§ 70. Intentionals -awax, -a w un 

-awax. This suffix indicates intention to perform a certain action. 
Hence it was usually rendered by I (thou). . . am about to, I 
(thou) ... am going to, I (thou) . . . will, I (thou) . . . 
want to. It is used with intransitive verbs only; and it is contracted 
with the subjective pronouns, for persons other than the first person 
singular and the second dual and plural, into -awanx, -awans, -awa u x, 
-awanl, -awanxan, and -awanx (see § 24). 

aq- to run away 52.10 aqa'waxan I intend to run away 

90.21 
antsplna'st H d'rtfxyatlya dqa'wax 
that sick (man) always thought 
of running away 86.15 

li'u (they) come 9.3 mwdwanx you intend to come 25.8 

yaq u% - to look 23.9 yoq u% ydwax he intended to see 70.8 

yaq u% ya'wanxan we (excl.) are go- 
ing to see 

qaqun- to listen qaquna'wax Lla' ai they were go- 

ing to listen 30.18 

hutc- to play, to have fun 7.2 hvftcawans we two (inch) are go- 
ing to play 10.5 

piul- to hunt piula'wax u X'tiri we two (excl.) in- 

tend to go hunting 54.22 

mlk u - to cut 90.5 mlkwa'waxts you two will cut 

§ 70 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



527 



xaHc- to roast 90.9 

l%'u (they) come 9.3 

tEmti'- to assemble 7.3 
ma a tc it lay 32.22 



Ha u x xaHca'wa u x and they two 
finally intend roasting 90.8 

Liwa'wanl wan we (incl.) are about 
to arrive now 66.1 

tEmua!waxtc& you will assemble 

mEtcaJwanx they intended to lie 
down 38.23 



-a w un. This suffix expresses the same idea as -awax, from which 
it differs in so far only as it implies a transitive action that has a 
third person as its object. It is probable that by some process of 
contraction this suffix represents an abbreviation from an original 
-awaxa u n or -awaxtin. 

hln- to take along 9.5 

wad'- to speak 7.1 
lak u - to take, to get 7.5 

tEmti'- to assemble 7.3 



yaq 



u '- to look 23.9 



hlna tw un ants plna'st she intends 

taking along that sick (man) 

88.1, 2 
H waa' w un ants hltc L/a' ai and he 

was about to talk to these people 
ya a 'xa l t/dmc lakwa' w tin many 

children he wants to have (to 

get) 
tEmua' w un ants L!a' ai Kite many 

people are about to assemble 

30.8 
sqa'tma u x yoq u "ya' w tin from there 

they two intended to watch 

62.18, 19 



True Temporal Suffixes (§§ 71-74) 
§ 71» Introductory 

Siuslaw distinguishes between three, true temporal categories, 
namely, present, future, and past. Excepting for the first of these, 
which is used to denote present and past, this differentiation is clearly 
marked and strictly adhered to. 

§ 72. Present -t 

It denotes an action performed at the present time. Stems ending 
in a vowel lengthen the vowel before adding the suffix -t; stems ending 
in a t insert an obscure (or weak) vowel between their final consonant 
and the suffix (see § 4). Transitive present actions are expressed by 
adding to the -t the transitive suffixes -tin and -tits (see §§ 28, 29). 

§§ 71-72 



528 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



Ha u x wan wl'lut they two finally 

affirmed 90.6 
s E atsl'tc waa! H M'q/aH thus he 

talks and starts (off) 22.5, 6 
si'nxit taqa l 'na he wants some- 
thing 18.5 
wa'sLsit ants tsimi'l'a was angry 

that muskrat 52.17 
H tca'xaH he turns back 16.5 
qa r tc l nt he goes 12.9 
qdt&nta^x they two are going 23.1 
txu xa'l l nt he just climbs up 12.4 
qa i ha'ntctanl wan we (incl.) have 

come far now 66.3, 4 
ha ir mut mdltcH everything burned 

(down) 34.18 
qa'q u hantun pi'u Kite he heard 

(make) noise (the) people 36.23, 

24 
Wt/Hun he ate him (up) 94.19 
yo'q u haHun ants inqla'a 1 he 

looked at that river 36.21, 22 
wilw- to affirm, to agree 30.11 H ma'q u L wi'lutun then Crow 

agreed to it 36.6, 7 

§ 75. Future -tux 

This suffix is added to intransitive stems only, and it denotes an 
action that is to take place in the future. Stems ending in a vowel 
lengthen the same before adding this suffix. When added to stems 
that end in a t, an obscure (or weak) vowel is inserted between the final 
t of the stem and the initial consonant of the ending (see § 4). 

Whenever -tux is to be followed by the subjective pronouns for the 
second person singular, inclusive and exclusive dual and plural, and 
the third person plural, it is contracted with them into -tunx, -tuns, 
-ta u xun (?), -tunl, -tunxan, and -tunx respectively (see § 24). The 
transitive future is rendered by means of the suffixes -yun, -l w yun 
(see § 41). 



wllw- to affirm 30.11 

hiq!- to start 15.1 

sVnxl- to desire 11.7 

wa'sLsl- to be angry 

tca'xu- to turn back 58.5 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 

xaln- to climb up 62.7 
qa^ha'ntc way off 10.3 

maltc- to burn 25.2 

qaqun- to listen 30.18 

lit!- to eat 13.10 
yaq u *- to see 23.9 



qatc E n- to go 8.2 

L/wan- to tell, to relate 17.1 

73 



qa'tc ntuxan I will go 22.2 
qa'tchitunx thou shalt go 22. 2 
Llwa'ntunx thou shalt tell 30.12 
L/wa'ntuxtci you will tell 7.3 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



529 



smuf- to end 9.1 
lI'u- to come 9.2, 3 



qwaxtc- to go down to the 

river 48.18 
hutc- to play 7.2 

dq- to run away 52.10 

sinq/- to be hungry 44.11 

mlk u - to cut 

xavf he died 40.21 
xwilI- to turn back 12.6 

TcfmVy- to look for 16.1 



smu'tfHux it will end 20.5 
Li'utux he will come 9.2 
il'utunxan we (excl.) will come 

30.11 
nl'fc/anl qwa'xtcHux alone we 

(inch) will go down 62.14 
hu'tctuns we shall play 10.6 
hu'tctunl we (inch) shall play 7.2 
a'qtuns we two (inch) will run 

away 92.2 
si'nq/ta u xttn we two (excl.) will be 

hungry 
mfi'lcHuxts Wlaya! you two will 

cut salmon 90.5 
xa'utuxa u x they two will die 88.7 
xwl f L. f tunl we (inch) will turn 

back 60.-9 
tqa u wl' tdns Jc/i'n¥itux upstream 

we two will look for . . . 56.17 



§ 7d. Past -yax 
This suffix expresses an act performed long ago. The idea of a past 
transitive action is conveyed by suffixing to -yax the transitive -un 
and -uts (see §§ 28, 29, 2). It is subject to contraction whenever fol- 
lowed by the subjective pronouns for the second person singular, in- 
clusive and exclusive dual, third dual, inclusive and exclusive plural, 
and third plural (see § 24). The contracted forms for these persons 
are -yanx, -yans, -ya u xfln, -ya u x, -yanl, -yanxan, and -yanx. This 
suffix always requires that the accent be placed on the first syllable of 
the word. 



qu l tf- to dream 
tkum- to close 48.8 
Liha- to pass by 80.12 
tat- to live 16.2 

x%nt- to start 20.3 

m'u (they) come 9.3 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12- 



Mtc qu/'tfyax a person dreamt 
68.21 

ants tkwa'myax (when) it closed 
78.3 

Qa'a 1 (fix Li'hayax along North 
Fork it passed by 32.19 

m E yo s ~k u s to}' yax Lfaya' in the be- 
ginning (they) lived in a place 
82.11, 12 

u ln slhl'tc xi'ntyax (when) I began 
to grow up (literally, then I 
[into] growing started) 100.18 

Ll'uyans we two (incl.) came 

§ 74 



-34 



530 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



hutc- to play 7.2 

lI'u (they) came 9.3 
xintm- to travel 12.10 

si'nxl- to desire 18.5 

Kin- to take along 9.5 

waa f - to speak 7.1 

l/wom- to relate 17.1 



hu'tcycms (when) we two (incl.) 
play 78.9 

hu'tcyanl (when) we (incl.) play 
78.13 

i/L'wyanxan we (excl. ) came 

H xi'n trrtyaxcfin and he took (them) 
along 92.13 

tcfLna'ta u si'ntxyaxaPn whoever de- 
sired it 11.6, 7 

qaHw!ntc hl'nyaxaPn ya £ Jc u s way 
off took him seal 68.17, 18 

s E atsltc wa^yaxaPn thus he told 
him 36.11 

sEat&i'tc L/waP'riyaxaPn thus he re- 
lated to him 38.8 



The past suffix is frequently added to a duplicated stem, denoting 
a past action of long-continued duration (see § 108). 



ld'lc u Jcyax hitu'tc tExm.u'nya she 

was taking a male person 
s B a!tsa M'q!aq!yax thus it started 

15.1 
tcl'wanE lurt'qiqyax from the 

water ashore it had come 56.13 
qrt'xixyax tE h!a fai it was getting 

dark 34.4 
t°wa) 'tcitcyaxaPn tE ya s Jc u s I have 

been spearing this seal 66.17 

In a few instances it has been found following the present -#, 
although for what purpose could not be ascertained. 

hlqf- to start 22.6 ki'qfaH 22.6 



lak u - to get, to have 7.5 
Uq!- to start 22.6 
hrtq- shore 44.7 
qrtx darkness, night 38. 21 
tutc- to spear 62.2 



t/imct. H - to raise 
children 30.23 

wilw- to affirm 

30.11 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 
ma a fc-tolie32.22 



t/i'mct/it 



wi'lut 90.6 

qa't&nt IZ.l 

mE'tcit 



xaHc- to roast 90. 8 xrt' tcit 
§ 74 



a'ntsux hi'q!aHyaxp u lcwa l 't 
those two who had started 
to play shinny 78.15 

u la u x wan tli'mctlityax 
then they two finally 
raised children 

un'lutyaxan I agreed 

qa 't&ntyaxan I went away 
mi'tcHyaxaPn L/ayu'stc I 
laid it down on the ground 
xaf'tdtyaxaFn he roasted it 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 531 

(For the idiomatic use of the past suffix in conditional clauses see 
§ 136.) 

VERBALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 75-77) 
§ 75. Verbalizing -a*, -u* 
While the majority of Siuslaw stems do not require the addition 
of a specific verbal suffix in order to convey a general verbal idea, 
these two suffixes have been found added to a large number of neutral 
stems, especially in the present tense. They may therefore be ex- 
plained as verbalizing a neutral stem and as expressing an intransitive 
action of present occurrence. They are frequently used to denote an 
action performed by the third person singular, for which person Sius- 
law has no distinct suffix (see § 24). There can be no doubt, however, 
that these suffixes are identical with the Alsea inchoative -ai, -m, 1 and 
that -a 1 bears some relation to the Coos intransitive -aai. 1 While no 
difference in the use of these two suffixes could be detected, it was 
observed that -u l is never added to stems that end in a ^, p, or in a. 

pin- to be sick 15.4 plna 1 ' he was sick 40.21 

kutc- to play 7.2 hutca 1 ' 72.6, hutcu 1 ' 23.8 he plays 

waa f - to speak, to say 7.1 waa 1 ' he says 8.9 

lit!- to eat 13.10 lH!a if he eats 46.12 

ha l q- shore 44.7 hatqa 1 ' he comes ashore 82.5 

yax- to see, to look 20.10 y%xa if he looks 66.6 

skwa- to stand 10.9 skwaha 1 ' he stands 14.4 

smutf- to finish, to end 11.1 smWu i ' it ends 14.6 

a u s- to dream, to sleep, 23.9 asu if he dreams 68.22 

Lxas- to fly, to jump Lxasu 1 ' he jumps 

tqul- to shout 52.8 tquW he shouted 92.6 

sun- to dive 64.21 s%nu ir he dives 

That these suffixes are not essentially necessary for the purpose of 
expressing a verbal idea, but that, like their Alsea equivalents, they 
may have originally conveyed inchoative ideas, is best shown by the 
fact that all such verbalized forms are parallel to bare stem-forms. 
In all such cases the amplified form seems to denote inception and 
(at times) finality of action. 

w<mm£Wnowheaffirms58.9 wan wllwa 1 ' he begins to affirm 

17.7 
H loin and he came back 7.7 tdna 1 ' he came back 68.16 



See Coos, p. 332. 

§ 75 



532 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

iA'u (they) arrive 9.3 
xau' he died 40.21 



[bull. 40 



tci'nta u hltc Llwa 1 ' whatever per- 
son came 24.7 
xawa 1 ' hltc (when a) person dies 
42.11 
atsi'tc L/wa a n thus he tells ya a 'xa u x Llona 1 ' much they two 

58.22 begin to talk 56.7 

a'nts E nx xnl' w nE those (who) s E a'tsanx xnl w na if thus thev begin 

do it 78.20 to do (it) 78.19 

ta { he is sitting, he lives 16.2 tqa u 'wltc toy a 1 ' upstream (they) 

commence to live 82.12, 13 
~kumi'ntc yax not (he) sees 34.4 yixa iF wan (they) commence to look 

66.9 
Hnx hau' they quit 11.4 sqaflc wan liawa 1 ' here finally it 

ends 14.6 
H wan skwaha' now he stands skwaha 1 ' he stands 14.4 

(up) 28.8 
Hwaa' then he says 11.2 waa 1 ' he says 8.9 

smu'tfa it ends 11.1 smitfu*' it ends 14.6 



§ 76. Auxiliary ~s, -t 

These suffixes express our ideas to have, to be with. A peculiarity 
that remains unexplained is the fact that they are always added to the 
locative noun-forms that end in -a or -us (see § 86). 

-s is always added to the locative form ending in -a, and never to 
the -us form, which may be due to phonetic causes. The use of this 
suffix is rather restricted. It is not inconceivable that it may be related 
to the durative -is (see § 69). 



Absolutive 

tsl f L. f % arrow 50.14 

qal'tc knife 
Ikwa'ni pipe 



Locative 

tslhfya' 50.9 

qal'tcya' 
Ikwafnya 



lqa i,c tu log 32.21 lqa't u wa 



Auxiliary 

na'lian Hn tsiL. fi ya's I will 
have an arrow 50.16 

qa'l'tcyas he has a knife 

Ikwa'nyasln I am with a 
pipe 

lqa't u was he has a stick 



-t occurs very often, and is added to all forms of the locative case. 
It can never be confused with the sign of the present tense -t, because 
it is invariably preceded by the locative forms in -a or -us, while the 
suffix for the present tense follows vowels and consonants other than a 
or 6' (see § 72). 

§ 76 



ROASl 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



533 



Absolutive 


Locative 


Auxiliary 


qluteu'ni woman 


qlutcu'nya 76.7 


qiutcunya't he has a 


30.21 




. wife 48.8 


led' tan horse 34.9 


leotana' 


leumi'nte Jcotana't not 
they had horses 
100.20, 102.1 


fix tooth 


fixa! 


fixa't ca'ya teeth has 
(his) penis 90.19 


yileti'l'ma big 40.6 


yileti'l'ma 


yxkti'l'mat ca'ya he has 
a big penis 92.1 


ll'tfa 1 food 34.23 


lit lay a' 13.7 


leumi'nte lit laya't (they) 
had no food 34.10 


lell'nu ladder 


lell'nwa 


lell'nwat ants Kltsl' 1 a 
ladder has that house 
80.12 


tEq something 


taqa l 'na 18.5 


ha^mut Jcumi'ntc taqa 1 '- 


13.2. 




natHc hl'qu 1 they all 
had no hair (literally, 
all not with something 
is their hair) 68.12 


slxa 1 canoe 56.5 


s^e^' 48.18 


SExa u 'tm I have a canoe 


tcl'tfl wind 


telt/yu's 


leumi'nte telt/yu' st 
(there) was no wind 


mita father 54. 22 


mita'yus 


mita'yust he has a father 


mila mother 54.23 


mila'yus 


mila'yust he has a 
mother 


lqa ir *tu log, stick 


Iqatuwlyu's 88.16 


Iqatuun'yust he has a 


32.21 




stick 


hltsl' 1 house 25.2 


hltsi's 48.7 


hltsVst he has a house 


Li'msti raw 


limstl's 


telle ants Limi'stlst 
L/a' ai where (there 
was) that green place 
34.2, 3 



§ 77. Suffix Transitivizing Verbs that Express Natural Phenomena -l! 
A suffix with a similar function is, as far as my knowledge goes, to 
be found in but one other American Indian language; namely, in 
Alsea. This suffix is added exclusively to stems expressing meteoro- 
logical phenomena, such as it snows, it rains, the wind blows, night 
approaches, etc. ; and it signifies that such an occurrence, otherwise 
impersonal, has become transitivized by receiving the third person 
singular as the object of the action. Its function may best be com- 
pared with our English idiomatic expression rain, snow overtakes 

§ 77 



534 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

him, night comes upon him, etc. By adding to -l! the subjective 
pronouns for the first and second persons (see § 24), the same expres- 
sions with these persons as objects are obtained. This suffix always 
follows the tense signs, and immediately precedes the pronominal 
suffixes. 

qa l x night, darkness 38.21 Hxtin stlrrik qa l 'xtuxL! us two 

(excl.) there night will overtake 
94.18 
tcl'tfl wind t&'t'iL/ a storm overtook him 

tsxaya*' day breaks 50.3 tsxaya 1 ' l ! a u x (when) day came 

upon them two 48.9 
Jc/ap- low tide 36.18 TcIa'ptuxL! low tide will overtake 

(them) 36.18 
u'ltl snow 76.10 wdltHuxh !%n snow will overtake 

me 
M f n £ Jcit it rains hi'tfTcIitfLlanx rain pours down 

upon them 

It is not inconceivable that this suffix may represent an abbreviation 
of the stem L/a' ai place, world, universe (see § 133), which the 
Siuslaw always employs whenever he wants to express a natural phe- 
nomenon. 

tsxaya 1 ' L!a' ai da} T breaks 50.3 

M'n*k!ya z/a' ai it rains 78.1 

Ic/uwina*' L!a' ai (there was) ice all over 76.11 

qa l 'x%xyax tE L/a' ai it got dark 34.4 

PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 78-80) 
§ 78. Introductory 

The idea of plurality in verbal expressions may refer either to the 
subject or object of the action. In most American Indian languages 
that have developed such a category, and that indicate it by means of 
some grammatical device, plurality of subject is exhibited in intransi- 
tive verbs, while plurality of object is found in transitive verbs. 
Such plurality does not necessarily coincide with our definition of this 
term. It may, and as a matter of fact it does, in the majority of cases, 
denote what we commonly call distribution or collectivity. Thus the 
Siuslaw idea of plurality is of a purely collective character, and seems 
to have been confined to the subject of intransitive verbs only. Even 
the contrivance so frequently employed by other American Indian 
languages, of differentiating singularity and plurality of objects by 

§ 78 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 535 

means of two separate verbal stems — one for singular and the other 
for plural objects — is not found in Siuslaw. 1 One and the same 
verbal stem is used in all cases; and when it becomes necessary to in- 
dicate that there are more than one recipient of a transitive action, 
this is accomplished by the use of the numeral particle yaP-'xa 1 (see 
§ 139) or of the stem Lla' ai (see § 133), as may be seen from the follow- 
ing examples: 

yuwa'yun ants qla'll he gath- yuwa'yun ya a 'xa l ants qfa'll (they) 
ered pitch gathered lots (of) that pitch 

88.5, 6 
yixa'yun kite I saw a person yixa'yun ya a, xa l Kite I saw many 

people 
wa'aHsmE ants kite he said to waa'aHsmE ants L f .d ai Kite he said 

his man to all (of) his people 7.1 

Lloxa'xaHsniE hltc he sent his LloxdxaHsmE Kite Lld ai he sent 
man many people 30.1, 2 

But if Siuslaw does not employ a distinct grammatical process for the 
purpose of pointing out plurality of objects of transitive actions, it 
has developed devices to indicate collectivity of subjects of intransitive 
verbs. For that purpose it uses, besides the numeral particle yd a, xa i 
(see § 139) and the stem L/a' ai (see § 133), two suffixes (-u u and -tx) that 
are added directly to the verbal stem. These suffixes are always added 
to verbal stems that denote an intransitive act, and their functions may 
best be compared to the functions exercised by the French on or 
German man in sentences like on dit and man sagt. 

§ 79. Plural -H**, -u^i 
This suffix expresses an action that is performed collectively by 
more than one subject. Etymologically it is the same suffix as the 
verbal abstract of identical phonetic composition (see § 97), and the use 
of one and the same suffix in two functions apparently so different 
may be explained as due to the fact that there exists an intimate psy- 
chological connection between an abstract verbal idea and the concept 
of the same act performed in general. 2 The following example, taken 

1 1 have found only one case of such a differentiation. I was told that the stem qaa- to enter, to 
put in, refers to singular objects, while the stem Lxaa- can be used with plural objects only. But 
as this information was conveyed to me after much deliberation aod upon my own suggestion, I am 
inclined to doubt the correctness of this interpretation. It is rather probable that these two stems 
are synonymes. 

2 The same phenomenon occurs in Dakota. 

§ 79 



536 



•BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



at random, will serve to illustrate the comparison more clearly. The 
Siuslaw word xil'xcu' wi (stem xil'xdi- to work) may have two distinct 
meanings. When used nominally (as a verbal abstract), it may best be 
rendered by the concept of working, work; when used verbally, 
it is to be translated by to work in general, all (many) 
work. This psychological connection between such terms as work 
and to work generally, collectively, may have led to the use of 
one and the same suffix in a nominal and verbal capacity (see § 22). 
This suffix is added directly to the verbal stem, and its double form 
may be due to rapidity of speech rather than to any phonetic causes. 
It is frequently preceded by the temporal suffixes, especially the pres- 
ent -t (see § 72), and it was always rendered by they . . . The sub- 
ject of the action is usually emphasized by the use of the numeral 
particles ha if mut all, yd a 'xa i many (see § 124), and of the stem z/a' ai 
(see § 133). The particle either precedes or follows the verb. This 
suffix requires the accent. 



tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 
hutc- to play 7.2 
jpEku'- to play shinny 9.4 



tEmm! u they came together 30.16 
hutcu' u L!a! ai they play 8.8 
pEku fwi L!a' ai they play shinny 





70.10 


htyats- to live 


yd a 'xa l h i yatsu ,wi lots (of people) 




live 


hal- to shout 13.11 


halu !u ants hitc l !a' ai shout collec- 




tively, those people 70.9 


ma'qll- to dance 28.7 


mEq!yu' u Lla' ai they dance 28.8 


xnl w n- to do 10.5 


s E a!tsa xnl w nu' u ants Lfa' ai thus 


y 


do it collectively, those people 



m%k u - to cut 90.5 

qatc E n- to go 8.2 
ts%Ll- to shoot 10.3 

rnaHc- to lay 32.22 



70.22, 23 
qmtcu'm L!a' ai H mlku' w Wlata! 

many women cut salmon 82.14 
qatc E natu' u they walk about 34.19 
tsiL!atu' u yd a, xa i L/a fai they are 

shooting 8.6 
ya'q u 'yun ants ll'tla 1 mitcu' wi 

L/a' ai he saw that food lying 

(around in great quantities) 

36.26, 27 



Owing to the frequent interchange between the u- vowel and the 
diphthong a* (see § 2), this suffix occurs often as -aa u , -aa Uwi . 
§ 79 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN' LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 537 

skwa- to stand 10.9 stlm skwaha?'™ 1 L!a' ai there they 

are standing (collectively) 28.9 
Klqf- to .start 15.1 s E a!tsa KlqlyaF** ants L!a' ai thus 

they (will) start 
s B a'tsa thus 11.10 s B atsa a ' wi tm Kite Lla! ai thus (they 

do it) these people 
IcIinW- to go and see 16.1 le/faikfya'a? ni'ctca tE ta* many 

(were) going to see how this (one 

was) living 

§ 80. Plural -toe 

This suffix exercises the same function as the preceding -u u , differ- 
ing from it in so far only as its subjects must be human beings. It is 
added either to the bare stem or to the stem verbalized by means of 
the suffixes -a\ -u { (see § 75), or it follows any of the temporal suffixes. 
The function of this suffix as a personal plural is substantiated by the 
fact that the verb to which it is added must be followed by the col- 
lective forms of Kite person, Kltcu u ', Kltcu' wi (see § 97). Whenever 
this suffix is added to a stem that has been verbalized by means of the 
suffixes -a\ -u\ it coincides in phonetic structure with the temporal 
and objective form -Itx (see §§ 33, 68). But the following collective 
Kltcu fu differentiates these two forms. Stems ending in an alveolar or 
affricative add this suffix by means of a weak a- vowel (see § 4). This 
suffix is always rendered by they, people. 

tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 H wan tEmu'tx Kltcuf u finally the 

people assembled 7.6 
tEm u wa if tx Kltcu twi sqa l Jc people 
assembled there 66.15 
s B a'tsa thus 11.10 H wans E atsa'tx Kltcu ,wi now they 

(began to do it) thus 7.5, 6 
Kutc- to play 7.2 HwanKutca'tx Kltcu' u now they 

(commence to) play 9.3 
waa'- to talk 7.1 H wan waa'tx Kitcu' u then finally 

people said 16.1 
atsl'tc waa^mxustx KltaW u thus 
they began to talk to each other 
. 64,20,21 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 H wan qa! ttfntx finally they went 

16.2 
to 1 - to live 16.2 hat'mut tqa u 'witc taya^tx Kitcu' wi 

all up-stream they lived 82.13 

§ 80 



538 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

pEkvf u - to play shinny 9.4 pakwal'tx hitcu' u tE L/a' ai these 

people play shinny 78.7 
hal- to shout hali'tx hUcu' w people shout 13.11 

§ 81. IRREGULAR SUFFIXES -n {-tri), -myaoc (-m) 

Here belong" two suffixes whose exact function and etymology can 
no longer be analyzed. It is even impossible to tell whether they 
represent petrified formative elements, or elements of an exceed- 
ingly restricted scope, which may be responsible for their sporadic 
appearance. 

The first of these suffixes to be discussed here is the suffix -n- or 
-In-. It never occurs independently, being always followed by another 
verbal suffix, such as the transitive -un (see § 28), the temporal (see 
§ § 65-74) and the passive suffixes (see § § 38, 39, 54-59). It seems to 
be related to the reciprocal -naw (a), and its function may be charac- 
terized as expressing a transitive action involving reciprocality or 
mutuality. 

tlu'hatd- to try to sell tluhatc'l'nun 1 I try to sell it 

Ha u x t!uhatfei'ntxa u x 1 they two 
try to sell their (hides) 100.19 
ma'q/i- to dance 28.7 maq!ena' w un I will cure him (lit- 

erally, dance for him) 
mEq!l l na' a u a dance will be ar- 
ranged for him 19.2 
s E a ata's ants ma! qllnutriE (for) 
him only this dance is arranged 
28.7 
minqf- to buy (in exchange H mi'nqlinunE tsxax u she is 
for a slave) (?) bought in exchange for a slave 

76.3 
li'u- to come 9.3 Liuna u ' w ya u x 2 (when) they two 

come together 46.7 

The other irregular suffix is -ra, which, however, occurs by itself in 
only one instance. It is usually followed by the suffix for the past 
tense -yax (see § 74), and expresses in such cases an action that almost 
took place. It was invariably rendered by almost, very near. 

i The use of this suffix may be justified here by the fact that the idea to sell requires a seller and 
a buyer. 

2 The -n is used here because the action involves two persons— one that comes, and another that is 
approached. 

§ si 



boasI HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 539 

xint he goes, he travels 20.3 pi'Hsis xi'ntma in the ocean he 

travels (around ?) 44.1, 2 
hakw- to fall 8.7 ha'kumyaxan I almost fell down 

a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u ' smhjaxan I very nearly fell 

asleep 
qatc E n- to go 8.2 qa! tcnHnyaxan I very nearly went 

leun- to beat 72.17 ~ku ,K namyaxaftn I almost beat him 

qdtx- to cry 58.15 qd'tx E myax he very nearly cried 

Nomin al Suffixes ( § § 82-105) 

§ 82. INTHODTJCTORY 

The number of nominal suffixes found in Siuslaw is, comparatively 
speaking, rather small, and the ideas they express do not differ mate- 
rially from the ideas conveyed by the nominal suffixes of the neigh- 
boring languages. There is, however, one striking exception, for 
among the neighboring languages (Coos and Alsea) Siuslaw alone 
possesses nominal cases. Another interesting feature of the Siuslaw 
nominal suffixes is the large number of suffixed formative elements 
that require the accent, and their phonetic strength (see § 12). 

§ 83. DIMINUTIVE -isk'tn 

This suffix conveys our diminutive idea, and may be added to stems 
that express nominal and adjectival concepts. Under the influence of 
the consonant preceding it, it may be changed into -asVin. 1 When 
added to stems that end in a vowel, the vowel of the suffix is con- 
tracted with the final vowel of the stem (see § 9). When followed by 
the augmentative -U'md, the -%n- element of this suffix disappears (see 
§ 84). This suffix requires the accent. 

tlamc infant 40.19 tldmcV sVin a little boy 94.16 

Itfi'af fish 56.1 If I' 'sk'in Lla' ai many small fish 

46;6, 7 
qmtcu'ni woman 30. 21 qlutcunV 'sk?%n a little woman , a girl 

mita father 54. 22 mit ! a! sk' ni f tin my step-father (lit- 

erally, my little father) 100.3, 4 
Wpxan niece (?) 92.17 lipxani' stfintc w ax they two (were) 

his little nieces 92.15, 16 
Ico'tan horse 34.9 IcotanV sk?%n a small horse, a pony 

i Owing to the fact that most of the texts and examples were obtained from William Smith, an 
Alsea Indian (see p. 438), whose native tongue has no true alveolar spirants (s, c), this suffix appears 
frequently in the texts as -ick'in. 

§§ 82-83 



540 BUEEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

L. r mak?- short L/mak?i r sJc i in very short 50.18 

yak- small 29.4 ya a 'Jc/i'sMn very small 36.23 

xyal'x almost, very nearly 11.1 xyaVxi'stfin qdt&nt qatha'ntc he 

went a little ways (literally, al- 
most, a little, he goes, far) 12.1 
hVcatca a while hicatca'sFin a little while 64.8 

§ 84. AUGMENTATIVE -%1'mii 

-il*ma expresses the idea of largeness, and, in terms of relation- 
ship, that of age; and it may be suffixed to stems expressing, besides 
nominal, also adjectival ideas. When added to stems that end in a 
lateral, the lateral of the suffix disappears in accordance with the law 
of simplification of consonants (see § 15). This suffix requires the 
accent. 

ql'utc woman 48.17 qlutcVl'md old woman 94.22 

L%pL- grandfather Lipoma grandfather 

"kamL grandmother 96.22 wacfi'tx ants Tcamifmatc she said 

to that her grandmother 96.21 
t/dmc infant 40.19 t/dmci'l'md old infant, hence 

young (man) 54.22 
tEX a m strong 10.1 tExmi'l'ma very strong (man), 

hence old (man) 40.10 
pEni's skunk 86.1 pEnisi'l'md a large skunk 

yikt big 48.8 yikti'l'ma very big 40.6 

The diminutive suffix is not infrequently added to the augmentative 
for the purpose of mitigating the impression made by the augmenta- 
tive, and vice versa. 

tfdmc infant 40.19 tldmcU'ma'sFin little big infant, 

hence little boy 94.20 

mild mother 54.23 milasTc'i'l'ma 1 step-mother (liter- 

ally, little old mother) 

CAgE-ENDINGS (§§85-87) 
§ 85. Introductory 

Unlike the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes, Siuslaw 
shows a rich development of nominal cases. Two of these, the geni- 
tive or relative case and the locative, are formed by means of sepa- 
rate suffixes, while the discriminative case is formed by means of a 
vocalic change (see § 111). In addition to these distinct case-endings, 

i The contraction of mUask'Vl-ma from mlla&k'inl'l'ma may dp explained as due to the assimilation 
of n to I following the contraction of the vowels. 

§§ 84-85 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 541 

there exists a great number of nominalizing suffixes indicating nom- 
inal ideas of an absolutive (nominative) form; so that the Siuslaw noun 
may be said to show four possible cases, — the nominative or absolutive 
case, the discriminative, the genitive or relative case, and the locative, 
which has an extended meaning. In discussing these case-endings it 
will be found preferable to begin with the locative case, because of 
the important position it occupies in the language. 
§ 86. The Locative Case -a, -us 

These two suffixes indicated originally local ideas of rest, and, as 
such, are best rendered by our local adverbs ON, in, at, to, etc. It 
would seem, however, that this primary function was extended so 
that these suffixes may also mark the noun as the object of an action, 
thereby exercising the function of an accusative case-ending. The 
use of these suffixes for the purpose of expressing objects of action 
and the adverbial idea of rest may be explained by the intimate psy- 
chological connection that exists between these two apparently dis- 
tinct concepts. The following example will serve to illustrate this 
connection. The sentence I cut salmon may, and as a matter of fact 
does, denote the idea I cut on the salmon. 

The correctness of this interpretation is furthermore brought out 
by the fact that the verb, upon which these suffixes are dependent, 
can under no circumstance appear in transitive form. Should, how- 
ever, such a verb appear with a transitive suffix, the noun will then 
occur in the absolutive form; and, since confusion might arise as to 
the identity of the subject and object of the action, the subject of the 
action is always discriminated (see §§ 21, 111). 

The importance of these two suffixes as formative elements may be 
deduced from the fact that they enter into the formation of the forms 
expressing our periphrastic conjugation to have, to be with (see 
§ 76) and that the adverbial suffixes (see §§ 90, 91, 93) can be added only 
to nouns that occur with these locative endings. 

-a expresses, besides the nominal object of an action, also the local 
idea of rest. There is a tendency to have the accent fall upon this suffix. 

U'i'a 1 fish 56.1 ml'lcHuxts Itfiaya' you two shall 

cut salmon 90.5 
Llya'a? fire 25.5 hat'qmas Llya'wa near the fire 26.1 

ts/aln pitch 26.6 yuwa'ya u xiin yafl'xa 1 ts/Unaf we 

two (will) get much pitch 
94.17, 18 

§ 86 



542 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Lbull. 40 



qiutcv/ni woman 30.21 
pzku' u - to play shinny 9.4 
tci water 36.20 

L / a 'ai ground, place 7.1 

led' tan horse 34.9 

fix tooth 

tel water 36.20 



tcimtca'mi ax 27. 10 



hi tc si'rixya qlutcvfnya (a) person 

wants a woman 76.7 
pEku'ya xdL !a ir L !a' ai many shinny 

sticks (they) make 78.5 
tcl'wa ma a tc ants ... in the wa- 
ter lay that . . . 32.22 
tcl'wa H Tc!u x wina 1 ' on the water 

ice appeared 76.13 
mile lap' Llaya' in a bad place 

12.10; 13.1 
TcumVntc Icotana't hot they had 

horses 100.20; 102.1 
fixa't (it) has teeth 90.19 
u la u x tcl'watc hakwa'a 1 they two 

into the water thrown will be 

88.7, 8 
tcl'wanE ha if qiqyax from the water 

(it) came ashore 56.13 
tcimtca'myatc xawa'a u with an ax 

(he) killed will be 28.1 



-us. Like the preceding -a, it is employed for the purpose^ of form- 
ing the locative case of nouns and of expressing the local idea of rest. 
It is suffixed to nouns in -u (see § 97) and in -I (see § 98). When 
added .to nouns in -$, the -4 of the noun is consonantized, so that the 
suffix appears to be -iyus (see § 8) ; while, when suffixed to nouns in -u, 
the -it of the suffix is contracted with the u of the noun (see § 9). 



~k!u x vn'ni ice 
pVi'ti lake 62.18 
tsb'tl sand beach 
pEkvf u shinny game 

hutcu' wi fun 8.5 
u'rnli thunder 

86 



qa u xa l 'x k/u x winiyu's on top of the 

ice 76.14, 15 
tsi'sqan p¥itiyu's tEmu'yax deer 

at (the) lake assembled 34.11. 
ta'ls tsitlyu's (you) will keep on 

living on the sand beach 46.15 
s E a leunu'tswa pElcu /u s l! 'ay a' he 

always beats (people) at shinnj^ 

78.18, 19 
a'l'tutunx hutcu u 'stcthou also shalt 

come to the fun 22.8 
umliyu'stc liu' to thunder (it) came 

36.8, 9 



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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



543 



A number of nouns undergo unexplained phonetic changes when- 
ever the locative suffix is added, while others employ an abbreviated 
form of this case-ending. Since no fixed rules can be given that 
will cover each of these cases, it will be best to tabulate all such nouns, 
giving their absolutive and locative forms. These nouns are as follows : 



Absolutive case 

mm/a 1 elder sister 90.23 
mictci't younger sister 40.2 
mita father 54.22 
mila mother 54. 23 
L/a' ai earth, many 7.1 
Iqat'Hu log 32.21 
a u 'tcls% camas 96.20 
liltc person 15.2 
s%'max u landing-place 
tsEha u 'ya grass 8.6 
. ycfi'xa fern-root 80.18 
hltsl' 1 house 25.2 



Locative case 

misa'yus 40.12, 13 
mictca'yus 
mita'yus 
mila'yus 
Llayu's 76.10 
Iqatuwlyu's 88.16 
aHdiyu's 98.11, 12 
hltu's 66.14 
sima'x u s 48.21 
tsEha u, yd x s 
ya u 'xa u s 
hltd's 58.8 



In many cases one and the same noun shows in its locative forms 
both case-endings, as may be seen from the following examples : 



L/a' ai ground, many 7.1 
a u 'tcisi camas 96.20 
kite person 7. 1 



hfaya! 13.1 and hlayu's 76.10 
a u 't<nsya and aHclyuls 98.11, 12 
hltu's 66.14 and hltu'tc 7.5 



A few nouns appear with locative case-endings that seem to bear no 
relation to the suffixes -a, -us. The following have been found: 



Absolutive 

sl'xa 1 boat 56.5 



haml r tcl whale 82.5 



Locative 

SExa? 1 48.18 

SExa^tc qaa'xam into a canoe it 

was put 34.5 
hamltcu' 

ha ir mut hamltcu' V-lcwa 1 ' all (some) 
whale got 82.6 
Uqwa a 'tEm alder tree 92.5, 6 ilqutml' 

ilqutmi'a u x qaa 1 ' an alder tree they 
two entered 92. 6 
xwa'lca head 29.5 xwaM! 

la v qat skwaha l> tx xwakl' feathers 
(they) placed on their heads 10.9 
Lxau' spear 64.7 Lxa u 'hi 64.11 

1 The locative form sExau' may be explained as a noun with the local suffix of rest used as the 
object of an action (see § 91). 

§ 86 



544 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 40 

hltc person 7.1 hltu'tc 

la'hnlwi hitu'tc a sheriff 7.5 

ma!q u L crow 34.23 m u qwa f L 34.21 

qayvf wi nts stone qayunafts 62.7 

q u L%'mt anus 86.9 q u L%ml't 

ya s lc u s seal 62.4 yEku's 62.2 

Loaf mouth 28.2 zaaya' 29.2, 96.7 

Nouns that end in the augmentative suffix -%Vma (see § 84) change the 
final a into a clear &- vowel whenever the locative is to be expressed. 

yikti'l'ma very big 40. 6 yikti'l'mat cafya he has a big penis 

92.1 
qlutcVVrrui old woman 96.15 qlutci'l'matc to the old woman 

94.16 

In a few instances the locative suffix -a has the function of an ad- 
verbial suffix of instrumentality. 

tcfomtca'mi ax 27.10 w la u x wan t&mtd'mya qa't&nt and 

they two now an ax take along 
(literally, with an ax go) 96.10, 
11 

skwahcfi'™ 1 L!a! ai Jia^mut ants tci- 
witci'mya they are standing, all 
those who have axes 28.9; 29.1 

§ 87. The Relative or Genitive Case -mn&, -JEm 

These suffixes have the function of the Indo-European genitive case- 
endings. 

-Eml is suffixed to the absolutive form -of the noun; and when 
added to nouns that end in a long vowel, its obscure e is contracted 
with the long vowel of the noun and disappears (see § 9). The noun 
to which this suffix is added is always the object of the actiqn. 

U'i'a 1 salmon 56.1 It 1 lay e' ml txa l n s salmon's tracks 

Iqla'nu hide 100.15 lq!anu l 'mV yixl H many hides (lit- 

erally, of hides a multitude) 102. 
1,2 
til, tH'ya 1 bear 56.11 ; 58.14 tllyayE'ml txa*n £ bear tracks 56.10 
pi'lqHs raccoon pUq u tsE f tnl Iqfa'nu raccoon-hide 

tExmu'ni man 30.21 tExmu'nyEml L/xml'tl a man's bow 

i See § 9. 

§ 87 



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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



545 



This suffix: may be added to pronouns and particles, as may be seen 
from the following examples : 

na I 21.8 ni'ctdm E nx na'm E l tEq because 

thou (art) of me (a) relative 21.5 
hafmut all 10.9 ha i mutu , ml 1 m a a'ti of all (the)chief 

This suffix is also employed in the formation of the independent 
possessive pronouns (see § 114). 

-Em differs from the preceding -Eml in so far as it can be added 
only to the locative form of the noun, and that in the few examples 
that were obtained it denotes the subject of an action. 



Absolutive 

maJcf-L crow 34.23 
u'wM thunder 
hltc a person 7.1 
h%tsl H house 25.2 



Objective 

m u qwa r L 



■ Relative 

m u qwa f LEm wa'as Crow's 
language 34.21. 

timli'yus umWyusEm wa'as Thun- 

der's language 36.8 

hitu'tc7.5 Mtu'tcEm Ltxml'tl (an) In- 

dian's bow 

hltsi's 58.8 hitsi'sEm tEqyil' wi of house 

(the)* frame 

When followed by other suffixes, the obscure e of -Em drops out, 
and the consonants are combined into a cluster. 



Absolutive Objective 

mila mother 54.23 mila'yus 



mat!V elder brother matfl'yus 
58.11 



Relative 

mila'yusmttin mita of my 
mother (her) father; my 
grandfather 

matli'yusmitin t/dmc my 
elder brother's boy 



§ 88. THE POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES 

Possessive relations of the noun are expressed in Siuslaw by means 
of the suffix -I that is followed by the subjective pronouns (see § 24). 
Posssession for the third person singular is expressed by the suffix -tc 
added to the noun without the aid of the sign of possession, -I. Pos- 
session for the third persons dual and plural is indicated by adding 
the subjective pronouns -a u x and -nx to the suffix -tc. Thus it would 
seem that Siuslaw employs two distinct suffixes for the purpose of 
expressing possession: -% used for the first and second, persons, and 
-tc for the third persons. 



See § n. 



§ 88 



3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 35 



546 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



The possessive suffixes are verbalized by adding the auxiliary suffix 
-t (see § 76) to the sign of possession; so that Siuslaw may be said to 
possess two sets of possessive suffixes, — one purely nominal set and 
one with a verbal significance. In the latter set the suffixes for the 
third persons are missing. 

All possessive suffixes stand in terminal position following even the 
case-endings and the adverbial suffixes. 

The following table will serve to illustrate the formation of the pos- 
sessive suffixes: 





Nominal 


Verbal 


Singular .... 


[1st person 

\ 2d person .'..•;. 
[3d person 


-in 

-inx 

-tc 


-Uin 

-Itinx 


Dual 


[Inclusive 

j Exclusive ...... 

|2d person 

13d person 


-ins 
-ix&n 
-Us 
-tcwax 


-Itins 
-UauxHn 

-Uits 


Plural 


Inclusive 

Exclusive 

2d person 

3d person 


-Inl 
-Inxan 
-ltd 
-tcFnx 


-Itinl 

-itinxan 

-ititci 



The pronominal suffix for the exclusive dual -a u xiXn, -axfln, has been 
abbreviated here to -xHn. This abbreviation may be the result of 
contraction. The % of the possessive suffixes appears frequently as a 
diphthong a 1 (see § 2). The possessive suffixes follow all other nomi- 
nal suffixes. 



ts'U'mu't friend 23.4 
mita father 54.22 



hltsl H house 25.2 

lln name 13.10 

txa l n e track, path 56.10 

rain' a 1 elder sister 90.23 
wa'as language 34.21 

§ 88 



ts'U'mu'tln my friend 36.15 

mita'aHin . . . mUa'aHin my fa- 
ther . . . my mother (literally, 
I have a father ... a mother) 
100.1 

tca'xumans hUsi'stcin let us two 
go back to my house! 58.5 

ll'tcH ll'nlnx cougar (will be) thy 
name 13.5, 6 

maHc txatnl' 'tclnx it lies in thy 
path 48.22 

rnfenfaHc her elder sister 40. 11 

s E at$i'tc wa'astc thus he said (lit- 
erally, thus his language) 40.26 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



547 



t/amc child 40.19 

Jcopx eye 36.16 
Ml hand 50.18 
mita father 54.22 
xwofka head 29.5 
m a a'ti chief 11.2 

xu'nha 1 a bet 78.15 



t/dmcins tdi'ntux our (dual inch) 

boys will return 42.7 
kdpxa l 'xttn our (dual excl.) eyes 
tci'Lits your (dual) hands 
mita'tc w ax their (dual) father 52.8 
xwa'Jca l nl our (incl.) heads 
m a atl'nxan our (excl.) chief 
m a ati'tci your chief 
xu'nha l tc E nx their bets 70.7 



The possessive suffixes may be added to particles and attributive 
elements that precede the noun. This is due to a tendency inherent 
in the language to keep the principal parts of speech free from all 
pronominal elements, and which finds its counterpart in the tendency 
to add all subjective suffixes to the adverbs that precede the verb 
instead of to the verbal stem (see § 26). 

In many instances the independent possessive pronouns (see § 114) 
are used in addition to the possessive suffixes. This is done for the 
sake of emphasis; and in all such cases the suffixes are added to the 
independent pronouns, and not to the nominal stem. 



s E atsl'tc thus 8.1 
na 1 21.8 

nictci'tc how, -manner 36.4 
Ms good 38.21 

s E a'tsa thus 11.10 
s E a l 'na he, that one 15.4 
na I 21.8 
Jcix E s ten 8.1 

Ms good 38.21 



s E atsl't(fln hat thus I think (liter- 
ally, thus my mind) 21.7 
wa'a l s E nx na'm E litin wa'as you will 

continually speak my language 

36.13 
mctcfi'tcrlnx ha 1 how (is) thy mind 

40.3 
M'slnx ha 1 hau'tux you will feel 

better (literally, good thy heart 

will become) 
s E a'tsatc nictcimafmu thus (is) his 

custom 38.16 
sWna'mltc wa'as wa a ' 'syaxaPn his 

language he spoke 36.14 
na'mHins Ted' tan our (incl. dual) 

horses 
la'x E stc w ax hau'yax t fame they two 

had ten children (literally, ten 

their two, had become, children) 

60.16, 17 
M'hlnl ha 1 we are glad (literally, 

good our [inch] heart) 72.18 

§ 88 



548 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Us good 38.21 

na I 21.8 

ants that there 7.1 



hi if s%nxan hltsi' 1 good (was) our 
(excl.) house 100.13 

na!m E llnxan tEq our (excl.) rela- 
tive 102.5 

tll'ya* lakwaHtu u n a'ntsin mat!l f 
(a) bear caught that there my 
elder brother 58.18 



Nominal possessive suffixes are added to verbal stems in many cases 
when the object stands in some possessive relation to the subject of 
the sentence (see § 33). Siuslaw uses for that purpose the verbal set 
of possessive suffixes (see table on p. 546) ; and, since the pronouns in- 
dicating the subject of the action are added to particles and attributive 
elements preceding the verb (see § 26), these suffixes occur mostly in 
terminal position. 



a*q- to leave 

hau- to become 
yd a 'xa i much 8.5 
Ms well 38.21 
waal- to speak 7.1 
yd a/ xa i much, many 8.5 

lxu'Is dry 60. 19 



ta l 'lc E ns aya'qa l tl Ie sl'xa 1 here we 

two (inch) shall leave our canoe 

56.5 
ha*'nanx ha u 'tuxaHl ha 1 different 

will become thy mind 60.14 
s E a'tsan H*n yd f xa l t% ha 1 that's why 

I (know) much (in) my mind 20. 9 
tsi'Telyanxan Thl'slti ha 1 we (excl.) 

are very glad 24.5, 6 
atsi'tc E nx wa'aSsltl tsi'mqma thus 

you shall tell your people 78. 10 
H E nx yd a 'xaHc li't/a 1 they have 

much food (literally, and they 

much their food) 80.17 
LXu'lstc E nx ants Itfi'a 1 dry (is) that 

their salmon 80.17, 18 



The possessive suffixes are sometimes added to the verbal stem, es- 
pecially the suffix for the third person singular. 



xwI'lHux he will return 



waa v he says 8.9 



l!xux u - 7-eduplicated form of 



'xu- to know 40.16 



si'nxltx ants t!amc xwl'Lltuxtc he 
wanted his boy to come back (lit- 
erally, he desired his, that boy, 
shall come back, his) 42.5, 6 

Tcum&'ntc wa'aHc ants qasLl'u not 
she said (to) that her husband 

leu* lIxu'xHc ha 1 not he knew his 
mind 58.4 



88 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 549 

The .subjective pronouns may at times perform the function of 
the possessive suffixes. This is especially true in the case of the 
pronoun for the first person singular when used in connection with a 
demonstrative pronoun. 

ta a k this here 32.13 tli'yd 1 lakwa'lm u n tafl&n t! civic (a) 

bear caught this my boy 60.9, 10 
wa'aHsm ta/Tcin wa'as speak to me 
(with) this my language 36.10 

ants that there 7.1 t/l'ya* lakwa'M u n a'ntsin mat !%' 

(a) bear caught that there my 
elder brother 58.18 



ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES (§§ 89-96) 
§ 89. Introductory 

Siuslaw expresses all adverbial relations derived from nouns by 
means of suffixes, that precede even the pronominal suffixes. Of 
these, the local suffixes indicating motion and rest, and the local suffix 
expressing the ablative idea from, can be added only to the locative 
forms of the noun (see § 86). It is rather interesting to note that there 
is no special suffix denoting instrumentality. This idea is either ex- 
pressed by means of the locative -a (see § 86), or it is conveyed through 
the medium of the local suffix of motion -tc (see § 90) and of the local 
-ya (see § 93), or it may be contained in the suffix of modality -Itc 
(see § 94). All these ideas are so closely interwoven with that of in- 
strumentality, that the instrumental use of elements denoting primarily 
objects, motion, and modality, presents no difficulty whatsoever. 

§ 90. Local Suffix Indicating Motion -tc 

It is added to the locative forms of the noun (see § 86), and may be 
best rendered by to, into, at, on, upon, towards. 

tel water 64.24 u la u x tci'watc hakioa'a 1 and they 

two into the water will be 

thrown 88.7, 8 
hltsl' 1 house 25.2 Hnx wan tcl l n hitsi'stc they now 

returned into the house 60.10, 

11 
misl'a 1 elder sister 90.23 wi'ltcistun misa'yustc he sent her 

to her elder sister 92.20 

§§ 89-90 



550 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Lfa' ai ground 76.10 
sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5 

pVi'ti lake 62.18 

qlutci'l'md old woman 94.22 

qayu' wi nts rock 

ma'q u L crow 34.23 

Icllx L. f a' ai everywhere 



L/ayu'stc to the ground 94.8 ' 

sExefi'tc qaa'xam into a canoe were 
put 34.5 

pVltvyvfstc tEmu'yax at the lake 
(they) came together 34.13, 14 

Liu'waPx qlut&'l'maftc they two 
came to an old woman 94.16 

xalna 1 qayuna'tsHc (one) climbs 
up the rock 62.7 

lIu' m u qwa'LHc he came to Crow 
36.3 

~k!lxu'tc Llaya'tc waa'un every- 
where he said ... 7.2 



Local adverbs and stems denoting local phrases are not considered 
as nouns. Hence they can have no locative forms, and the adverbial 
suffixes are added directly to such words. 

y%xa ir hatqtc (they) looked ashore 

6Q.Q 
H E nx Inu'tc Llhaf and they outside 

went 38.23 
qo'x u m away from shore 34.6 qo'x u mtc hcfi'mut qiva'xt&st out 

into the water all went 34.15 
qafxilntc hakwa'yunE upwards it 

is thrown 8.7 
qatha'ntc t&LJa 1 ' he shot far 10.3 



ha*q shore 44.7 
Inu outside 38.23 



qa'x'&n up, above 34.21 
qcfiha'n far 56.8 



In like manner the local suffix is added to the independent pronouns; 
and all such pronouns, when followed by this suffix, have the function 
of objective pronouns (see § 113). 

na I 21.8 tEmu'tuxtci natc you shall come to 

me 72.11 
nlxHs thou Icumi'ntc hi ir sa nl'xHc not good (it 

is) on you 12.5 

In a few instances the local suffix -tc has been found added to the 
absolutive form of nouns. This ungrammatical suffixation may be due 
either to imperfect perception on my part, or to errors on the part 
of the informant. The instances referred to are as follows : 



pacfi'wi sand beach 
lk!l'a l mouth of the river 
§ 90 



jmaP'witcfix qatc E natu' u along the 
sand beach they walked 34. 14 

Llu'wanx Tkll'aHc they came to the 
mouth of the river 66.11 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 551 

inqla'% river, creek 30.23 u la u x Lwf inqfa'ltc and they two 

came to a creek 56.4 

In many instances the locative form of a noun or pronoun followed 
by the local suffix of motion -to indicates the idea of instrumentality. 

tci water 64.24 liltsl' 1 td'qnis teiwa'tc the house (is) 

full of water 
kite person 7. 1 taqanl'tx hltu'stc it was always full 

of people 70.3, 4 
tdmtca'?ni ax 27.10 tcimtca! myatc xawa'a u with an ax 

he will be killed 28.1 
ll'tla 1 food 34.6 td'qnis lltlaya'tc ants MtsV* full 

with food (was) that house 54.5 
tslaln pitch 26.6 si'n i xyunE tslUna'tc xmva'a u it 

was desired (that) with pitch 

he should be killed 24.1 
s E a that one 10.1 s E a i na f tc xawa'a u with that (thing) 

he will be killed 26.6 

§ 91. Local Suffix Indicating Rest -ii (-a**) 

This suffix is added to such stems as are not considered nominal, 
and hence can not express the local idea of rest by means of the loca- 
tive -a or -us (see § 86). It is consequently suffixed to adjectives — 
which are really intransitive verbs — and it performs for such terms 
the additional function of a locative case-ending. The only noun to 
which this suffix has been found added in its local and objective mean- 
ing is the stem sl'xa 1 canoe (see § 86). This apparently exceptional 
use of the local suffix -u in connection with a noun may be due to the 
fact that the informant, unable to recall a single instance of the noun 
sl'xa 1 in its proper objective form (sixaya'f), and not conscious of the 
grammatical processes of her language, has endeavored to form the 
objective case according to her own idea. The idea implied by this 
suffix may be rendered by in, at, on. The interchange between -u 
and -a a has been discussed in § 2. 

nil'lcfa bad 14.7 ni'ctci tEX xVntmls kite m%k!dF 

Llaya' how (can) always travel 
a person in a bad place? 12.10; 
13.1 

lc!lx each, every 24.4 txu'nx lc!exu r Llaya' xVntmls just 

you everywhere will continually 
travel 13.6, 7 

§ 91 



552 



BUREAU OF AMF/RICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Trull. 40 



Jc/tx each, every 24.4 kllxu' L/aya' H s E aH E on each place 

such (was the world) 14.6; 15.1 
s E aH E such, in that manner 15.1 H E nx sqa l Jc lH/a v s E a i tu! and they 

eat on such (a place) 62.5, 6 
ya^Jc/i'sFin very small 36.23 ydJc/isFinu' Llaya' H tlyu' wi on a 

very small place they lived 38.19 
sl'xa 1 boat 56.5 lqa i,K tu txu ma a tc ants SExa u ' sticks 

merely were lying in that boat 

48.20, 21 

Instances where this suffix has the function of a locative case- 
ending may be given as follows : 



1c/ ix each, every 24.4 
tnl'Tc/a bad 14.6 
sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5 



Tc/e'xu'tcL/aya'tc L/oxa'xaHsmE to 
each place he sent his . . .30.1 

lI'u ml'k/aHc L/aya'tc he came to 
a bad place 

SExa^'n si'n l xya a canoe I want 

SExa^'tc qaa'xam into a canoe were 
put 34.5 



§ 92. Local Suffix -ix {-aw, -yam) 

This suffix is used chiefly in connection with verbs of motion, and is 
added to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. Its function may best be 
compared to the function performed by our adverbs on, ovek, along, 
when used in connection with verbs of motion. The long I of the 
suffix is often changed into a' 1 (see § 2) or diphthongized into ya 
(see § 7). 



Qa'aHc a tributary of the Sius- 
law river called at present 
North Fork 

paa u 'w% sand beach 

ha i q shore 44.7 
qa u x high, up 80.9 
Ms well, straight 38.21 

qa u 'xiin sky 
teCk where 34.2 
§ 92 



Qa'aHdx pEli'tc Liha'yax along 
North Fork at first it passed 
32.19 

paa^'wltdx qatc E natu' u along (its) 
sand beach they walked 34.14 

ha ir qa l xanl tca'xwltux along the 
shore we will go back 66.12, 13 

qa u xa v x Jc/u x winiyu's on top of 
the ice 76.14, 15 

tci'watc /n'sa % x Liu' to the water 
on (a) straight (line) it was com- 
ing 32.20 

qa u 'xunyax xint along the sky it 
traveled 32.19 

tcl'lcyax Llha 1 ' tE hltc whereon 
climb up people 80.13 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 553 

In one instance this suffix is added to a demonstrative pronoun. 

s E a that one 10.1 s E a l 'xa u x pitca ir over that one they 

two stepped 88.18 

§ 93. Local Suffixes -ya, -?ie 
-ya is added to those locative forms of the personal pronouns and 
nouns that end in an alveolar or affricative consonant (t, s, tc) and to 
adverbs the final consonant of which belongs to the same series. 

q u m'mt anus 86.9 q u L%mi'tyatc Liha' from his anus 

he came out 94.20 

pi n tsis ocean (locative form) pl'tsisya lidqa 1 ' from the ocean he 
44.1 came ashore 82.4 

qu'Uc Umpqua river qu'Ucyaa* from the Umpaua river 

(they came) 100.15 

hltsl' 1 house 25.2 hltsi'sya from the house 

na I 21.8 na'tcya from me 

ha*q shore 44.7 ha if qa l tcya go away from the fire! 

(literally, what is shore like from 
it you go away) 26.7 

qantc where qa'ntcyanx liu' from where (dost) 

thou come 66.16 

-njs is suffixed to nouns and to personal pronouns whose locative 
forms end in a vowel (see § 86), and to such stems as form the loca- 
tive cases by means of the local suffix of rest -u (see § 91). 

Tc!%x L!a! ai every plase 1c /exu'?iE L/aya'nE from each place, 

from every where 8.2 

tc% water 64. 24 icl'wariE ha l 'q%qyax from the water 

he came ashore 56.13 

xwd'lca head 29.5 xwakl'nE from the head 

sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5 sexoP'ue from the canoe 

These local suffixes are frequently used as . implying the idea of 
instrumentality. 

qal'tc knife Llxmal'yun qa'l'tcya he killed him 

with a knife (literally, from a 
knife) 

tciL hand 50.18 t&'LiiE loIe'Iuti with the hand he 

struck him 

Lxau' spear 64.7 Lxa u '7iinE ants hUc skwaha 1 ' with 

a spear (in his hand) that person 
stood up 64.11, 12 

§ 93 



554 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 

§ 94. Adverbial Suffixes Indicating Modality -Itc (-aHc), -na 

-ttc. This suffix has both a nominal and a verbal function. As a 
nominal suffix it signifies like. It is found suffixed to a number of 
modal adverbs (see § 121), and it invariably requires the accent. The 
interchange between the long I and the diphthong a 1 has been dis- 
cussed in § 2. 



ckotc hill 46.10 

txa { n £ tracks, road 56.10 

al a q one 18.7 

s B a'tsa thus 11.10 

ni'ctca something, how 16.2 



qa'xuntc qa't&nt ckotcl'tc he went 

up a hill (literally, upwards he 

goes, hill-like) 12.9 
tc%k ants lqa ifK tu L wa p txatnl'tc 

wherever that tree falls across 

the road (literally, road-like) 

84.2, 3 
a'lqaHcin Llxu'yun ^ndhalf I know 

it (literally, one [half] like I 

know it) 92.12 
waa'xam s E ats%'tc he was told thus 

8.1 • 
Tcwl'nx nictci'tc Llwa'nlsun don't 

you tell him anything 17.1, 2 



My informant frequently rendered this suffix by the phrase what 
you would call a . . . , some kind of ... , especially in cases 
where the noun employed did not convey the exact idea that was 
wanted. 



m a a't% chief 10.2 
matl'yUP 1 chief, general 

l na wwi Y - lca man 86#4 

tEqyu'- u frame 80.7 
TkH'a 1 mouth (of river) 



m a a'tUc tE qwo'txa 1 beaver (was) 

(what you would call a) chief 

50.6, 7 
s E ats%'tc waa' ants mati'witc ants 

sl'xa 1 thus said that (what you 

would call) captain (of) that 

boat 64.26; 66.1 
lna u 'w%tc ants hltc (what you would 

call a) chief (was) that man 76.3 
tEqyu'wltc (what you would call a) 

frame 
lk!% f a l wltc ants pVl'tl (something 

like the) mouth (of) that lake 



When added to adverbs that convey local ideas, it must be preceded 
by the local suffix of motion -to (see § 90). 
§ 94 



BOAR] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



555 



sqa l lc there 14.6 

qanis- down 

tqa u vn'- up-stream 56.8 



sqaflctcfi f ic qa't&ntux there (they) 
will go 30.22 

qanistcl'tc txu sloxu'x u down sim- 
pfy he went (slid) 12.6 

qa'tc E nt tqa u witci f tc he went up- 
stream 58.12 



This modal suffix may also express the idea of instrumentality, as 
will be seen from the following examples : 



tsl'hll arrow 50.7 



tsax u slave 76.3 



Tcumi'ntc xafwll tsiLli'tc not he can 
die through (literally, with) an 
arrow 15.8 

tuha'ha^n tsEXwl'tc he bought her 
in exchange for a slave 



When added to verbal stems, -%tc is almost invariably followed or 
preceded by the verbs xint- to go, to start, and Mqf- to start, to 
begin; and the idea conveyed by such a phrase may best be compared 
with our English sentences I go into a state of . . .,1 start . . . 
-ly. The Siuslaw informant, unable to express this native phrase in 
English, usually rendered it by I, thou, he almost. ... 



tcVn- to go home, to return 
12.10 



tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 



li'u- to arrive 9.2 



tcax-- to go back, to return 
30.14 



xau f he died 40.21 



qatx tcEnl'tc xint he cried as he 
went home (literally, he cries 
when homewards he starts) 
58.15, 16 

tEmu if tc xint L/a' ai people came 
together (literally, into a state 
of coming together go many) 
30.15, 16 

L%w%'tc w ax wan xint they two are 
almost home (literally, in the 
manner of arriving they two 
finally go) 23.1 

Tcl'x E s Uxayu' wi a'ntsin tcExwl'tc 
xint for ten days I was going 
back (literally, ten days this I 
returningly went) 66.20, 21 

XEwl'tc E nx M'qfya (when) you are 
near death (literally, [wheji] in 
the manner of dying you start) 
34.25 

§ 94 



556 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

h/ap- low tide 36.18 H Jc/apl'tc xmti't ants tcl and the 

water began to get low (liter- 
ally, into a state of low tide 
went that water) 36.20 

sV- to grow 98.10 sllil'tcin xi'ntyax (when) I began 

to grow up (literally, [when] 
into a state of growing I went) 
100.17 

In one instance this suffix occurs as -aHc, and is preceded by the 
stem qatcn- to go. 

yax- to see 20.10 H qa'tc E nt yExaP'tc a'ntsHc tcma'nl 

he went to see his cousin 40.24 

The verbs xint- and Mq/- may be omitted, as is shown in the fol- 
lowing example: 

tcaq- to spear 68.8 qathdntc lil'nyaxaSi ya £ lc u s tca- 

qa %, tc the seal took him way off 
as he speared him (literally, way 
off took him, seal, spearingly) 

68.17, 18 

-na is added to adjectives only, and expresses an idea similar to 
that of the English suffix -ly. 

mi'lcla bad 14. 7 ~kwl'nx l /wd'nisun ml'Tcfana don't 

tell it to him badly 17.1, 2 
Itumi'ntc ml'lclcCna s%n l xna'wls not 
badly (we shall) keep on think- 
ing of each other 78.12, 13 

itt'sa grease ni'ctcim tll'sananx lU/a'wux be- 

cause greasy (things) they are 
going to eat 82.8 

§ 95. Adverbial Suffixes Indicating Time -tlta, -Ita 

These suffixes are added to nouns that indicate division of time, and 
to verbs expressing celestial phenomena, and they may best be ren- 
dered by TOWARDS, WHEN THE TIME OF . . > COMES. Both Suffixes 

require the accent. 

plctcEm summer 46.11 pictcEmtita' u l E nx sqa l Tc taya 1 ' to- 

m wards summer (hence, in the 

spring-time) they there live 
62.2, 3 
I 95 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 



557 



q/Exa u yu'wi salmon season 



qlu'nEm winter 80.18, 19 
Mn e l!%- to rain 76.18 
qatx night 38.21 
nictcinwa 1 ' spring comes 



q!Exa u yu f witlta' H tqa u 'witc taya if 
when salmon-time comes (they) 
up-stream live 82.12, 13 
qlu' 'nEmtlta! towards winter 
hm s ~k!ita f in the rainy season 
qa l x%ta! towards night-time 
nictc%naw%ta f u la u x s E a'tsa xnl' w nE 
towards spring-time they two 
thus do it 98.5 



§ 96. Modal Adverbs in -a 

This suffix may be called the suffix of modality par excellence. By 
its means all stems expressing adjectival ideas, and all particles, are 
transformed into adverbs. Many of these stems (amplified by means 
of the modal suffix -a) do not occur in their original form, being 
used adverbially only. All such stems are denoted here by an 
asterisk (*). Whether this suffix may not be ultimately related to 
the locative -a (see § 86) is a debatable question. 



Ms good 38.21 
m'u near 40.12 

yaP'xa 1 much, many 8.5 
yi~kt big, large 48. 8 



*L%mq- quick 

*ha i n- different 
*nl~k!- alone 
*s B ats- thus 
*tsik/- much, very 



~kumi!ntc Wsa natc not well (it is) 
on me 12.2 

Llu'wa 7c u na %nqla!%tc tE ta l near, 
perhaps, the creek, these live 
66.7, 8 

hvftctuns ya a 'xa we shall play a 
great deal 10.6 

qanistcl'tc llqa'yusnE yi'lcta very 
deep it would be dug (liter- 
ally, down-like it is dug largely) 
84.~3, 4 

Li'mqan tcl'ntux right away I shall 
return 56.22 

Tia l 'na differently 58.9 

nl'Tcfa alone 94.11 

s E a'tsa thus, in that manner 18.4 

i$l'~k!ya very, very much 13.9 



GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 97-105) 
§ 97. Nominal -w* {-a™) 9 -uwi 

This suffix «onveys a general nominal idea, changing any neutral 
stem into a noun, and is employed extensively in the formation of 
verbal abstract nouns. It is also used to express collectivity of action, 

H 96-97 



558 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



an application that is in perfect harmony with its nominal character, 
as has been explained in § 78. The forms -u u and -u wi may be 
explained as due to imperfect perception on my part, while the 
double occurrence of -u u and -a? is caused by the phonetic relation 
that exists between the u'and the diphthong a u (see § 2). 



hutc- to play 7.2 
tEinu'- to gather 7.3 

paLn- to hunt 82.17 

xil'xd- to work 48.10 

si- to grow 98.10 

Lxat- to run 12.3 
xintm- to travel 12.10 



yalq- to dig 84.5 
xaHc- to roast 90.8 
anxl- to sing 

This suffix is found in a great 
stems can no longer be analyzed. 

ha u iv%'yu shaft 
paaP'wi sand beach 34.14 
N pahu' wi codfish 

pa'l'u spring, well 76.12 
wia'tcu bed (place of lying ?) 
?na'ltcu chimney, stove (place 

of burning?) 
tEqyu' u frame (of a house) 

80.7 
tuqya'a? up the river 32.22 
tfu'nixyu pocket 
nictcima £ mu custom, fashion 

36.28 
cimi'Ltxu upper lip 
tsxayu' wi day, sun, weather 8.1 
§ 97 



hutcu' w \ hutcu' u fun, 8.5; 16.6 

tcfilc ants L!a! ai tEm u u' u where 
(there is) that big assembly 88.3 

qiva'tc L!xu'yunpaLnu' wi (he) who 
knows (the art of) hunting 82.18 

tsl'~k!ya Llxu'yun xU'xcyvf u very 
(well) he knows (the art of) 
working 52.22, 23 

s E a'tsatc siya/a u such (was) her 
growth 98.6 

Lxatu' wi a race 78.18 

wi'nxanx tcl'wa xintmu ,wi thou art 
afraid to go to the ocean (liter- 
ally, thou fearest to water the 
journey) 

yalqa'o) 1 a hole 84. 6 

xaHca'a} 1 roast 90.9 

anxyu' wi a song 

number of nouns whose original 
The following list may be given: 

tcmilqu' wi ring {tcmUq finger) 
Jc u tsu' wi saliva 

~ku'<M hog (from French through 
medium of the Chinook jargon) 
lcu'Hc&yu sea-otter 
lemu'Tcu pipe-stem 
1cciJcyu' wi wall 
Ml' nil ladder, stairway 
Tcwlnl'ntxu throat 
Tc/a'l'cvpv, navel 
qasiA'u husband 48.20 
qa i wa!a? i bay, down-stream 80.6 
qaHVu bark 90.8 
q!Exa u yu'wl salmon-time 82.12 
l na ww\ r j cn man? chief 86.4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 559 

lk w una'atsu live-coals Lvya'a? fire 25.5 

Iqa^'M tree, log 32.21 LxavJ pole, spear 64.7 

Iq/a'nu hide, skin 100.15 h/rnVkcu flounder 100.10 

When added to the numeral particle yd a 'xa l much, many, it denotes 
the idea expressed by a noun of quality. This particle is to all 
appearances a stem amplified by means of the nominal suffix -a 1 
(see § 98); and since two nominal suffixes of a similar function 
can not be added to one and the same stem, the -a 1 disappears, and 
the suffix -a? is added to the bare stem yax-. 

ya^'xa 1 much, many 8.5 tci'ntHc ya f xa u xalna if how many 

had climbed up (literally, what 
their number climbed up) 62.11 

tci'ntHc ya'xa 11 tE K qtc ants qiiitcu'ni 
as many relatives as that woman 
had (literally, how much their 
number [of] her relatives [of] 
that woman) 76.1 

LXa ir p l stc yaJxa^ five their number 
100.15 

§ 98. Nominal -i (-a*) 

This suffix is found in a large number of nouns expressing a variety 
of concepts. It occurs with nouns indicating instrumentality, with 
verbal abstract nouns, with nouns of relationship, with terms desig- 
nating animals, with stems expressing natural objects, etc. It is not 
altogether inconceivable that this nominal formative element may be 
identical with the verbalizing suffix -a 1 (see § 75), even though its 
nominalizing function can no longer be explained in a majority of cases. 
In many instances the original stem to which this suffix has been 
added does not occur in its independent form. The substitution of 
the diphthong -a 1 for the long % has been discussed in § 2. 

pEku'- to play shinny 9.4 pa'lcwi shinny stick 

tsiLl- to shoot 8.6 tsi'hH arrow 50.7 

minx u - to lighten 38.5 m% f n i xwi lightning 38.2 



wVnkl- to work 50.6 wi'nakl work 

tat he sits 16.2 tl'ta 1 chair 



§ 98 



560 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



ll't!- to eat 13.10 
hu'tc- to play 7.2 

aswifl' blanket 

inq!a'a!, %nq!a!l, river 30.20, 

23 
umll' thunder 36.8 
u'ltl snow 76.10 
haml' c td whale 82.4 
ha'lcwl mussels 82.2 
hi' a! clouds 
hltsl' 1 house 25.2 
ha 1 heart, mind 8.9 
plcl'tl lake 62.18 
mEMV father-in-law 
ma' I kidney 
m a a'tl chief 10.2 
ma'tl dam 48.10 
matfl' elder brother 58.11 
misl'a 1 elder sister 90.23 
mictcl' 1 younger sister 40. 2 
mi'cVla 1 something bad, vulva 

26.5 
tqd'tl hook 
tqu'nl smoke 



ll't! a 1 food 34.23 
hutca 1 ' fun 10.5 

sl'xa 1 canoe 56.5 

tsaU'swali beads ( ?) 

tsitl' 1 sand beach 

tso'tl waves, breakers • 

tsxu'npm coyote 88.9 

td water 36.20 

td'tH wind 

ts/u'xwl spoon 

Tc E a!nl basket 90.21 

qa'xi chicken-hawk 

qo!wl blood 

q u mt%' i perforation in the ear 

q w unax% n cheek 

qwo'txa 1 beaver 48.6 

q!a!tctl cedar 

Ifl'a 1 salmon 56.1 

lq!a!sl eel 

L!a! ai ground, world, earth, place, 

many 7. 2 
L!l n n% floor 
Lfxmi'tl bow 



When added to stems that express adjectival ideas, this suffix forms 
nouns of quality. 



his good 38.21 
yiJct big 48.8 

yax- much, many 8.5 



hlsl H goodness 

hltsl'sEm y%ktl ri of the house the 

large (size) 
lq!anu if ml yixl n of hides a great 

number 102.1, 2 



§ 99. Nouns of Quality in -t 9 w** (-t'uwi) 

There can be little doubt that the vocalic elements of this suffix are 
identical with the nominalizing suffix discussed in § 97. The etymol- 
ogy of the initial consonantic element is obscure. This suffix is added 
to adjectives and adverbs only. Owing to the fact that a number of 
adjectives end in -t (see § 104) and that double consonants are invariably 
simplified, these adjectives drop their final consonant before adding 
the suffix (see § 15). 

i 99 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 561 

liatca't long 76.1 td'ntHc ha'tctfu' u for a long time 

(literally, how much its long 
period)*48.2 
l na uwi rich 8 ^4 lna u witfu' wi wealth 

yilct large 48.8 y%kfu ,wi large size 

qa'xfin high 8.7 qaxtintfu'™ height 

^n- deep qatntfu'™ 1 depth 

his good 38.21 Mstfu' wi kindness 

qatha'n- far 10.3 qatlumtfu' 11 distance 

§ 100. Nouns of Agency in -yw*oc, -U {-aH), -t! 9 -t!w% 

Nomina actoris are formed by means of the following suffixes: 

-ya tl x This suffix seems to have been used frequently. 

lak u - to fetch, to catch 7.5 la'Jc u Jcya u x sheriff (literally, a 

catcher [of people]) 
xu u n- to snore 27.9 xu'nya u x a snorer 

la'wat!- to gamble la!wat!ya u x a gambler 

In- to call (?) lna'lya u x an interpreter 

tEmu'- to gather 7.3 tEma u 'ya u x a person who assem- 

bles (people) 30.2 

-11 (-a l l). This suffix is easily confounded with the verbal negative 
suffix of similar phonetic structure (see § 53); but this similarity is 
purely accidental. 

wVnkl- to work s E a tsi'Jc/ya wi'nkll he (is a) very 

(good) worker 50.5, 6 
xil'xci'- to work 48.10 xi'l'xcll a workingman 

xintm- to travel 12.10 xVntmil a traveler 

waa'- to speak 7.1 wa'aH a speaker 

PeIcu'- to play shinny 9.4 pa'lcwll a shinny pla}^er 

-t! It is quite possible that this suffix may have some connection 
with the initial element of the suffix for nouns of quality, -fu u (see 
§99). 

L/win to tell 8.2 Llwant! an informant 

tslh!- to shoot 8.6 tslLlt! a marksman 

yuw- to pick, to dig 96.18 yvJyciH! a person who picks (ber- 

ries [reduplicated stem]) 
pain- to hunt 82.17 paL'nt! a hunter 

t/dmc child, infant 40.20 t/imct/ one who raises children 

30.23 

§ 100 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 36 



562 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



-t!w% seems to be another form of the preceding suffix. 

lak u - to fetch . . . tE la'JcH/wi Mtu'tc this 

gatherer of the people 7.5 
U'lHlwi a f etcher 22.9 
§ 101. Nouns in -aoc 
This suffix is used for the purpose of forming nouns from verbal 
stems, adverbs, and stems denoting geographical terms. When added 
to verbs or to adverbs, it is best rendered by person, people; while 
when used in connection with geographical terms, it denotes a tribal 
name and may be translated by inhabiting, belonging to. 



xau' he died 40.21 



l/ox- to send 16.10 



a u 'stux he will sleep 27.7 



wa'rvwits long ago 14.7 



nictdma £ mu custom, fashion 
36.28 



pdl'tc first 32.19 

Lxa wi A 

qu { -, qvfltc south 



qpa 1 - north 
qatxq- east 
ptf'tsis ocean 44.1 
ckotc mountain 46.10 
§ 101 



~ku l natsxa! wa a xaHriE if he had not 
been killed (literally, not had he 
been a person [who was] killed) 
29.7 

tdn ants kite L/ ioa'x returned 
this human messenger (literally, 
returned that person [who was] 
sent) 7.7 

(L/°wa'x instead of L/°wa'xax, see 
§ 24) 

si'n i xyu L nE tslUna'tc xawa'a u a u '- 
stuxax it was desired (that) with 
pitch killed shall be the person 
(who) will sleep 24.1 

m'ctcim s E a'tsa wa'nwitsax be- 
cause thus (did it) the old-timers 
(literally, [people belonging to] 
long ago) 68.13 

s E atsi f tc tvd'nwitsax nictd?na e ?7iwax 
thus (was) the custom of the old- 
timers (literalty, thus [of people 
of] long ago the [things pertain- 
ing to their] customs) 76.6, 7 

pEll'tcax a first settler 

Lxa u 'yax the other one, friend 42. S 

qu'yax, qu'ltcax an Umpqua Indian 
(literally, a person inhabiting 
the south) 

qpa'yax an Alsea man 

qa if xqax a Kalapuya Indian 

pi'*tsisax inhabitants of the ocean 

cko^tdtcax a mountaineer 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 563 

§ 102. Nouns in -tint (-afini) 

This suffix is added to adjectives, a few adverbs used in an ad- 
jectival sense, and to nouns. It has a double function. When added 
to adjectives or to adverbs, it transforms them into nouns, just as 
any adjective is transformed into a noun by adding one to it (com- 
pare our phrases the big one, the good one, etc.). When used 
with other nouns, this suffix has an adjectival character, which may be 
best rendered by made of, composed of. 

tEX a m strong 10.1 tExmtifni the strong one, a man 

30.21 
hxa u 'yax other 42.8 Lxa u yaxa^ni the other one 86.18 

y%kt big 48.8 yiktu'ni the big one 

s h aU large s^aHvb'ni the larger one 92.18 

yak!- small 38.19 tu yakfcft'ni that small one 88.12 

limnl'tc behind 86.11 UnmUeu'ni mictci' 1 the youngest 

sister 40.2 
hl'qla beads, Indian money, hlqfaha^ni consisting of dentalia 

dentalia shells 74.19 shells 78.14 

pb'lqHs coon j?ilqHsu r ni taha'mk made of rac- 

coon (-hide) quivers 70.23, 24 
til bear 12.4 t/iyu'?ii taha'7i%k made of bear 

(-skin) quivers 70.24 
Jc/ix tEq everything 24.4 Jc/exu'niiE\ja iZ 'nihutca 1 ' composed 

of every sort (of) fun 10. 5 
la'qlaq boards laqlaqa^nltc Kltsl' 1 made of some 

kinds of boards the house 80.7 

This suffix may be added to verbal stems provided the verb has 
been changed into an attribute of a following noun. 

hamx- to tie H hamxa^'ni ants tsEha u 'ya and 

that made of tied grass . . . 8.6 

§ 103. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place -a s mu 

This suffix indicates the place where a certain action is performed. 
When added to stems ending in a velar or palatal consonant, it appears 
as -ya £ mu, and changes the final velar of the stem (#, q!) into a palatal 
lc (see § 17). After all other consonants it occurs as -a s mu. The short 
w-vowels following velar and palatal consonants disappear before this 
suffix. It is possible that the final u of the suffix may be related to 
the general nominalizing suffix -u discussed in § 94 (see § 23). 

§§ 102-103 



564 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Lbull. 40 



ma'q/i- to dance 28.7 
ya'q u% - to see 23.9 
jpEku'- to play shinny 9.4 

nlctcatf- to fight 
tuhatc J - to try to buy 
Lxat- to run 12.3 



mEkycfmu a dance-hall 
• yEkycfmu a vantage point 
pEkycfmu a place where shinny is 

played, ball-grounds 
nlctcatl 'a £ mu battlefield 
tuhatc*a £ mu a store 
Lxata e mu track (literally, a place 

where people run) 
nictdmafmu custom, fashion 29.9 

§ 104. Adjectives in -t 

Siuslaw has no true adjectives. All stems denoting adjectival ideas 
are intransitive verbs, and may be used as such, as may be seen from 
the following examples: 

mI'£/aA^<?thatbadman23.2,3 tsl'Tcfya ml'Jc/a very baS it was 

14.7 
hatca't hl'qla long (strings of ) hatca't ants Iqa^tu there was a 
dentalia shells 76. 1 tall tree 92. 21 

Owing to this verbal significance, the Siuslaw adjective shows no 
special suffixes. A few stems denoting adjectival concepts appear in 
duplicated form, mostly those expressing color (see § 109). There will 
be found, however, a number of words expressing attributive ideas 
that end in -t. 1 Whether this consonant is related to the. auxiliary -t 
(see § 76) or whether it may be looked upon as a true adjectival suffix, 
is a question open to discussion. The following is a list of such ad- 
jectives: 



yikt big, large 48.8 
hawd'tsit new 
hatca't long, tall 76.1 
hlxt wild 
pdHa'st 2 spotted 
pini'lt sharp 
mEkct fat 90.16 
timsqayd't bitter, sour 
tint ripe 
tqatlya't dear, expensive 



t'xuli't straight 
&aH big, old 92.18 
tsinq/t poor 16.10 
ts%Lt thick 
HTlt heavy 11.9 
Ic/wl'act proud 
q u ci'ct thin 
Lqut red 
L/dqt wet 56.13 
L/nuwd'tit deep 



§ 105. Irregular Suffixes -Mm, -1st, -wl, -yuwl, -iivi 

These suffixes occur very seldom, and, while their function is to all 
appearances nominal, it can not be explained accurately. 



i See also § 124. 



2 Dorsey: p'al-lftst gray . 



§§ 104 105 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 565 

-Em occurs with a few nouns. 

UqwaP'tEm root, alder tree tsami'tsEm chin 

92.5, 6 qlu'riEm winter 80.19 

pi'ctcEm summer 98.8 . xa if tsEm woman's basket 

-1,8% seems to denote an abstract idea. 

pin- to be sick 40.21 plnl'si sickness, cough 

qa l x dark, night 38.21 qtfxl'si darkness, night 

hwu'nhwun black ho' nisi dusk 

nVctca (?) how 16.2 ni'cteisi arrival (?) 40.16 

nictcinwa i ' spring comes nietcanvf vnsi year 92.12 

The following nouns have analogous form: 

a u, tdsi camas 96.20 L/nti' % t<nsi crawfish 

li'xtsnisi small-pox 

The nouns tswa'si frost and L u wa'si nose may also belong here. 

-wi is found in a small number of nouns. 

s%'na u wi grouse Jc/o o/ xwi gnat 

ts?ia'wi bone q u ha ; qw% broom 

In a few instances this suffix seems to form nouns of agency, and 
may be related to the suffixes discussed in §§ 97 and 99. 

tsxan- to comb one's hair tsxa'nwi a comb 

qatcu i - to drink 76.12 qatcwl'ioi a person who waters 

animals (?) • 
c u xu- to drive awaj^, to scare* cuxwa'wi a driver (?) 

56.11 
%lq- to dig 80.6 ilqa'wi one who digs holes 

-yiiivi, -twi. These two suffixes have a peculiar function. They 
. seem to denote the nominal object of an action performed by a noun 
of agency (see § 100). The most puzzling phenomenon connected with 
their function is the fact that they can be added only to the discrimi- 
native form of a noun (see § 111), which seems to stand in direct con- 
tradiction to its objective significance, because the discriminative 
case points to the noun as the subject of the action. 

Absolutive Discriminative Objective 

pEni's skunk 86.1 psna's 86.7 tsiL/t! pEnasyu'wi a 

skunk-shooter 

§ 105 



566 



BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



Absolutive 

httc person 7.1 



swal grizzly bear 
(?) huckleberries 



qwo'txa 1 beaver 
48.6 



Discriminative Objective 

ttya'tc 13.10; 15.2 tslhlt! Myatcu'wi a 
man-killer 
tEma^ f ya u x hyat&'wi & 
gatherer of people 

swal 15.2 tslhltl swalyu'wi a 

grizzty-shooter 

ttixya la'~k u tlw% taxyu'wi a 

picker of huckle- 
berries 

qwoa'txa 1 52.4 islLlt! qwoatxl'wt a 

beaver-killer 



Another nominalizing suffix that seems to be confined to one stem 
only is -as in the noun wa'as language, word, message 34.21, formed 
from the verbal stem waa- to speak, to talk. 

Reduplication (§§ 106-109) 
§ 106. Introductory 

Reduplication as a factor in the formation of grammatical categories 
and processes does not play as important a role in Siuslaw as in many 
other American Indian languages. 

Considered from a purely phonetic point of view, the process of 
reduplication may affect a single sound> a syllable, or the whole 
word, while from the standpoint of position of the reduplicated ele- 
ments it may be either initial or final. In accordance with these pro- 
cesses, a given language may show the following possible forms of 
reduplication : Vocalic or consonantic initial reduplication ; consonantic 
final reduplication, commonly called final reduplication; syllabic redu- 
plication, usually referred to as doubling or reduplication of the sylla- 
ble; and word-reduplication, better known as repetition of the stem. 

Of the forms of reduplication known actually to occur in the Ameri- 
can Indian languages, Siuslaw shows only duplication of the (first) 
syllable, duplication of the final consonant, and repetition of the stem. 
Syllabic duplication occurs rather seldom, final duplication is resorted 
to frequently, while repetition of the stem plays a not unimportant 
part in the formation of words. 

Reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb; its use for expressing 
distribution — a phenomenon commonly found in American Indian 
languages — is entirely unknown to Siuslaw, which employs this pro- 
cess solely for the purpose of denoting repetition or duration of action. 

$ 106 



boas] HANDBOOK OF IFDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 567' 

§ 107. Duplication of the Initial Syllaole 

This process occurs in a few sporadic instances only. The repeated 
syllable occurs in its full form, the original syllable losing its vocalic 
elements. Initial stops of both the original and repeated syllables are 
usually changed into fortis (see § 17). 

tEmu'- to assemble 7.3 tlEmtlma'xam wan they come to 

see him (literally, he is assem- 
bled about) 23.3 
lI'u (they) come 9.3 l !%l Iwa'xam he is approached 16.3 

LliL/wl'sutnE he is continually 

approached 26.2 
s E a f tsanx tEL/i f L/ututs that's why 

1 came (to see) you 21.6, 7 
¥ya'tcn E xan lH' hints people us 
came (to see) repeatedly 100.8 
ta*- to sit, to live 16.2 ants Tsxuna'pLi tll'tfyun (that) on 

which Coyote was sitting 94.6 
hal- to shout 13.11 lhali'yusnE he would be shouted 

at 70.22 (this form may be ex- 
plained as derived from an origi- 
nal halhaWyusnE) 
lhall 'txa® K nE he is continually 
shouted at 11.10 
ymo- to pick 96.18 yu'ya Uw tf one who picks 

§ 108. Duplication of Final Consonants 

This process is employed extensively, and consists in the repetition 
of the final consonant with insertion of a weak a- or %- vowel. In 
many instances the quality of the connecting vowel is affected by the 
vowel of the stem. This is especially true in cases where the stem 
ends in a it-vowel, after which the connective vowel is assimilated and 
becomes a weak u. The short vowel of the stem is not infrequently 
changed into a long vowel. This duplication plays an important 
part in the formation of the past tense (see § 74), and, in addition to 
denoting frequency and duration of action, it seems to be capable of 
expressing commencement, especially of intransitive actions. 

a u s- to sleep 23.9 . a u 'si's he began to sleep 26.9 

qax dark 38.21 qa { xi f x wa'nwits it got dark long 

ago 64.19 

§§ 107-108 



568 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



xint- to go 20.3 
SLdx u - to go down 
ha l q shore 44.7 
loqw- to boil 96.1 
ml'~k!a bad 14.7 



H wan xinti't he kept on going 

now 56.23 
H sloxu'x u wIlIoJxl!' he came 



down again 12.6 

haiqa'q wan he then went ashore 
58.17 

H txu ldqwa'q u and just he was 
boiling 96.7, 8 

mik!a'~k! ants tsxayu twi began to 
get rough that weather 64.15 

wan smufa'tf it ends finally 9.1 

■telfa'f the wind blew 94.5 

H E nx dL hutca' [tc and they now be- 
gan to play 72.23, 24 

Tel 'dpi' p low water (conies) 

xwiz/a'L/ wan he finally came 
back 12.7 

sqa'tEm naWl he started from there 
68.10 

s E a'tsa lil'qfaqlyax thus it began 
15.1 

Ha u x ldkwa'1i.u n n they two took 
(them) awajr 52.16 

la'Tcukyax she took 60.23 

xumca'ca u x wan they two are ap- 
proaching now 23.2 

hfyatsi'tsun ants la ir qat he is put- 
ting that feather on 11.8 

t°watcft 'tcuna u x they two began to 
spear it 56.15, 16 

t°wa r tcUcyaxa^n 1 have been spear- 
ing it 66.17 

Ha u x tcaqa'qaPn and they two be- 
gan to spear it 56.19 

Ha u x yaxi'xun they two saw it 
56.15 

Hn qnuhu' 'hu u n I am finding it' 

A very interesting case of duplication applied to formative elements 
is presented by the nominal suffix -ax. This suffix signifies people, 
belonging to, and, when added to the adverb wa'nwits long ago, it 
was invariably rendered by old-timers (see § 101). Whenever the 
speaker wants to imply the intensive idea people of very long ago, 
he usually repeats this suffix. 

S 108 



smutf- to end 11.1 
tcit'- to blow 94.5 
Jiutc- to play 7.2 

Tc/qp- low water 36.18 
xw%l!- to go back 42.6 

nal- to start 

Wq!- to start 22.6 

lak u - to take 7.5 

xumc- to come, to approach 
Jilts- to put on 11.8 
tutc- to spear 62.2 

tcaq- to spear 68.18 
yax- to see 20.10 
qnu*- to find 56.9 



boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 569 

wd'nwitsax old-timer 68.13 wd'nwitsaxax people of long, long 

ago 29.9 
s E a'tsa xn% w 'nutnE wa'nwitsaxax 

thus it was done (by) people of 

long, long ago 62.9 
wa'nwitsaxax nictcima £ mu (of) old, 

old-timers their custom 68.19 

Similarly the modal -Uc (see § 94) is found repeated in a few instances. 

tea where 34.4 tcaltcl'tc ni'ctux where he will go 

64.20 

§ 109. Duplication of Stems 

While this process is, strictly speaking, of a lexicographical char- 
acter, and as such ought to be treated more properly under the head- 
ing " Vocabulary" (see § 137), it will nevertheless be found useful to 
give here a list of doubled stems. Barring a few nouns^ most of these 
terms are adjectives denoting color and quality. 

hwu'nhwun black qa'sqas stiff, hard 

pxvt'pxu 1 sorrel, yellow qu'LquL white 40.10,11 

tu'lcivk deaf qtsi'nqtsin blue, green 

i n'~k! i n\! soft xu'sxus naked 

M'¥U heavy 11.9 lima'tim blind 

puna' puna' gopher, mole tsini' Ltsini' l 2 little beaver (?) 

96.19 50.15 

mu'smus cow * tcimtca'mi ax 27.10 

tTa'l'tral' tongue q u la i L'q u la i L otter from ocean (?) 

tsiyi'Msiyi'lc wagon 1 laqlaq board 80.7 



Vocalic Changes (§§ 110-112) 
§ 110. Introductory 

Siuslaw expresses two distinct grammatical categories by means of 
vocalic change. Of these two categories, one is nominal, while the 
other has a strictly verbal character pertaining to intensity and fre- 
quency of action. When applied to nouns, vocalic change expresses 
the discriminative case. 

1 Chinook jargon. 2 Chinook. 

§§ 109-110 



570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§111. The Discriminative Case 

The discriminative case is that form of the noun which singles it 
out as. the performer of an action directed upon an object; i. e., it 
designates the nominal subject in sentences containing pronominal or 
nominal object. 

The discriminative form of pronouns and of nouns of relationship is 
expressed by means of the prefix q- (see § 21). All other nouns express 
the discriminative form by means of a vocalic change that varies accord- 
ing to the quantity of the stem-vowel, and in polysyllabic stems 
according to the quantity of the vowel of the accented syllable. The 
following rules maybe said to apply in all cases: 

1. The discriminative form of nouns the stem- vowel of which is a 
long % or u is obtained through the diphthongization of these vowels 
into ya and wa respectively (see § 7). For purely physiological reasons 
a weak vowel corresponding to the quality of the diphthongized 
vowel is inserted between the diphthong and its preceding consonant. 

Kite person, people 7.1 Hya'q^yun Wya'tc and people 

looked on 70.4 
ll'tcFt cougar 13.3 Vya'tcH ttyatst r tsun Cougar put it 

on 13.4 
ml'k/a bad 14.7 m i ya''k!a Uya'tc IHla'yun a bad 

person devoured him 15.2 
Klq u wild-cat 34.17 ttyatsi'tsun ttya'q u Wild-Cat put 

it on 11.11 
Ik!anu'k u screech-owl 86.1 tsl'W.ya wVnxcftn ants psnVs Ikl- 

an u wa'lc u Screech -Owl feared 

that Skunk veiy much 86.3 
hlna! w un ants plna'st Ik!an u wa f ~k u 

Screech-Owl intended to take 

along that sick man 88.1, 2 
qlutcu'm woman 30.21 c%'l'xun qlutc u wa'm, (a) woman 

shook him 58.4 
tExmu'ni man 30.21 wl'lun tExm u wa'n% (the) man 

agreed with her 58.7 
tsxayu' wi sun , day 8. 1 mfitkwl 'tutsin tsxay u wa'wi (the) Sun 

had pity on me 72.14 

Somewhat irregular discriminative forms are shown by the nouns 
ill grizzly bear and ql'utc wife, which occur as tllya 1 ' and qa'yutc 
respectively. 

§ HI 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 57l 

t!l grizzly bear 12.4 b!lya v htyatsi'tsun Grizzly Bear 

put it on 12.3 
qi'titcwiie 48.17 maHc qa'yutcHc (he and) his wife 

had lain 60.13 

2. Nouns with short stem-vowels, or with short vowels in the ac- 
cented syllable, change these vowels into an a in their discriminative 
forms. Short a-vowels of the stem are lengthened into a. 

pEni's skunk 86.1 Vna u ' wi hltcH lqaqa l 'txa il npE?ia's 

(at) a rich man he always broke 
his wind, (namely) Skunk 86.6, 7 

tsi'sqan deer 13.9 Wyatst 'tsun tsa'sqin Deer put it on 

13.8 

qwo'txa 1 beaver 48.6 a'tsa H kumi'ntc si'nHyun qwoa't- 

xa 11 ants q u Lll'tc that's why not 
liked Beaver that Otter 54.8, 9 

pilq u ts raccoon 70.23, 24 pa'lqHs MyatsU tsun Raccoon put 

it on 

q!a!xa u xt wolf 13.2 q/a'xa u xt Myatst'tsun Wolf put it 

on 12.8 

swal grizzly bear swal IHIaJyun Grizzly Bear de- 

voured them 15.2 

squmaf pelican 44. 1 waa'aPn squma! ants Iqlal'o'm'a 

said Pelican to Sea-Gull 44.17 

3. Stems containing diphthongs, or stems whose accented syllables 
end in the diphthong a\ add a short a to the diphthong for the purpose 
of forming the discriminative case. 

ha if mut all 9.5 haya'mut Wya'tc Llxu'yun all peo- 

ple know it 60.24, 25 
yaq u *yi ,w yutsatci haya'mut you all 
shall look at me 72.11, 12 

ha if na different 58.9 haya'na htyatsi'tsun another (one) 

put it on 12.8 

4. Polysyllabic stems whose accented syllable ends in a consonant 
and is followed by a syllable beginning with a consonant form the dis- 
criminative case by inserting a short a between these two consonants. 

tsxu'npm coyote 88.9 ants Tsxuna'pm tll'tlyun that (on 

which) he was sitting, (namely) 
Coyote 94.6 

tExmi'l'md old people 58.25 tExmil'a'mi Llxu'yun an old man 

knew it 76.15, 16 

1 Probably misheard for qwa'txa>. & \\\ 



572 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t bull. 40 

um'li thunder s E atsl'tc waa'aFn uma'll thus said 

to him Thunder 36.9 
glutei' I'md old woman 96.15 qiuteil'a'mi ta'yun ants tsl f L!% the 

old woman kept that arrow 96.2 
tcl'nta w which one 90.1 tcina , ta u si' rixyaxaPn ants . . . 

whoever wanted that ... . 

11.6, 7 

§112, Intensity and Duration of Action 

Vocalic change as a means of expressing intensive and durative 
actions is of a twofold character. The change consists either in the 
diphthongization of the long I- and u- vowels of the stem (see § 7), 
or in stem-amplification. In both cases the underlying principle may- 
be described as the change of a monosyllabic root into a stem having 
two syllables. 

Diphthongization is applied to those stems only whose vowels are 
either long % or u. A verbal stem with a diphthongized vowel expresses 
durative actions only in connection with other proper devices, such as 
the temporal suffixes or duplication of final consonants (see §§ 41, 56, 
69, 108). Owing to the fact that certain temporal suffixes — nota- 
bly the inchoative, the frequentative, the durative, the present, the 
future, and the imperative — imply to a certain extent intensive 
actions, or actions that are being performed continually, the suffixes 
for these tenses are frequently found added to the verbal stem whose 
vowel has been diphthongized, while all other tenses are formed from 
the simple root. 

lIoti- to tell 16.9 s E atsi'tcL/wa a n thus he was speak- 

ing 16.6 

ktfn- to bend down H txu Tcwa' hu nt and (they) would 

just bend down 11.9 
HJciva hu na f t/ist and he would con- 
tinually lower his head 13.5 

tkum- to close, to shut 48.8 Hns tkwa'mlsun and we two shall 

keep on making dams (literally, 
closing [the river]) 48.14 

tutc- to spear 62.2 t°wa!tcls wan spear it now! 64.2 

t°ivatd'tcuna u x they two are 
spearing it 56.15, 16 

gun- to pour 29.2 qwa n nyux pour it into his ... ! 

29.2 

l!ox- to send 16.10 L!°wa'xy'un (I) shall keep on send- 

ing (them) 30.19 
§ 112 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 573 

* l/xu- to know 19.9 L/x u wa'x u yutsa f tci you shall know 

me 30.17 
lak u - to take, to get 7.5 wan lakwa'lcu u n now (they two) 

were taking them 52.16 
hits- to put on 11.8 ttyatsi'tsun he is putting it on 11.8 

dtx- to flop c l yatx it is flopping 36.23 

llqa 1 ' he digs 84.2 ya'lqaPn (they two) are digging 

(holes) 84.5 
tslLf- to shoot 8.6 ts l yaL!- to shoot 

Intensity and duration of action of verbal stems whose root-vowels 
are vowels of quantities and qualities other than I and u are ex- 
pressed by means of amplification of the root by the insertion of a 
weak vowel between its two final consonants. This process occurs 
in a few rare instances. 

anx- to give up 60.11 Jcumi' 'ntcinl ana'xyun not we shall 

give it up 16.8 
hamx- to tie 8.6 . lc/ E 'Lun liama'xyun tomorrow I 

will tie it up 
x?il w n- to do 10.5 • s E a'tsa u xiln xnlyunl w> 'yun thus to 

them two I will do it 88.14, 15 
s E a!tsa u x i an xmyuna' w un thus to 

them two I intend doing it 

Another example of stem-amplification for the purpose of express- 
ing duration of action is furnished by the stem a l q- to leave, which 
is changed into ayaq-. 

ta l 'lc E ns aya'qyun here we two (inch) will leave it 56.16, 17 

Stem-amplification may have also caused the change of the root 
L. f xma l - to kill into Llxmlyat-. 

ya a 'xa l kite Lfxmlya'yun ants Swat many people he is killing, that 

Grizzly Bear 94.9 
Lfxmlya'yunanl we (incl.) are going to kill him 28.3 

Siuslaw possesses a number of stems that occur in such double forms, 
and I give here a few of the most important. 

Lion- 16.9 L/wa a n- to tell 16.6 

leun- ~kwa hu n- to lower one's head 11.9 

tkum- 48.8 tkwam- to close, to shut 48. 14 

tu to- 62.2 tPwatc- to spear 56.15 

qun- 29.2 qwan- to pour 29.2 

§ 112 



574 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



l/ox- 16.10 


L/°wax- to send 7.7 


TcHs- 


Tcwats- to paint one's face 


L0l- 


L°wal- to strike 


Jca u s- 92.7 


¥wa&- to follow 92.3 


ult- 76.10 


wa&- to snow 


lak u - 7.5 


lakwa'- to take, to get, to fetch 




52.16 


xau'- 40.21 


xawa'- to die 15.5 


Km'- 11.4 


ha'wa- to be ready 23.10 


tlvt- 74.5 


Uuha'r to buy 74.5 


t!E'mxu u - 48.12 


t/Einxwa- to cut into pieces 


wi'lu- 58.7 


wilwa'- to agree 30.11 


2/#a?~ 40.11 


ya'xa- to see 20.10 


tos 11.8 


Myats- to put on 11.7 


hin- 9.5 


WyaM- to take along 


%- 80.6 


yalq- to dig 84. 5 


tslL/- 8.6 


ts l yaL!- to shoot 


q/u { p- 


q/uyap- to twinkle 36.14 


dtx- 36.23 


c*y«fa>- to flop 36.23 


ft*/- 13.10 


l l yat!- to eat 


fc^nr- 12.10 


i&yan- to come back 


«*<?- 


aya'q- to leave 56.5 


hamx- 8.6 


hamax- to tie 


<m;c- 60.11 


ana'x- to give up 16.8 


xnl w n- 10.5 


xnlyun- to do 88.14, 15 


i/a?#- 19.9 


L!x u wa- to know 30.17 


Llxmd 1 - 


Llxmlya 1 - to kill 28.3 



Amplification of the stem seems to have been used in a few in- 
stances for the purpose of expressing intransitive actions performed 
by the third person singular. It will be remembered that this per- 
son has no special suffix, the same being understood in the stem or in 
the verbal suffixes. In some cases, however, Siuslaw adds a weak a to 
the stem, provided the same is not followed by any of the subjective 
suffixes (see § 24). 

hau' to quit, to be ready 28.2 wd'nwits ha'wa long ago it (was) 

ready 23.10 
xau'- to die 22.5 txun xa'wa d'n l xyutnE just I to 

die am wanted 20.8, 9 
yax- to see 40.11 txunx ya'xa si'r^xyutnE merely 

thou to (be) see(n) art wanted 

20.10 

' § 112 



boasJ HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 575 

tlu- to buy tsa'ntci tu'ha si'rixyun if you to 

buy want her 74.8 
wad'- to speak 7.1 H waa' and he said 12.10 

In one instance the quality of this weak vowel has been assimilated 
to that of the stem- vowel. 

tqul- to shout 92.6 m%ta'tc w a% ants tqulil' ivaa' their 

(dual) father, that one shouted 
(and) said {tqu'lu instead of 
tqu'la) 52.8 



The Pronoun (§§ 113-115) 
§ 113. The Independent Personal Pronouns 

The independent personal pronouns occur primarily in two forms, 
according to whether they are used as subjects or objects of an action; 
but, owing to the fact that from the subjective pronouns there is 
obtained by means of the prefix q- (see § 21) a discriminative form, 
the independent personal pronouns may be said to have three dis- 
tinct forms — the discriminative, subjective, and objective or loca- 
tive sets. Both the discriminative and subjective pronouns refer to 
the subject of the sentence, differing, however, in so far as the former 
applies to subjects of transitive actions, while the latter is used mostly 
in connection with intransitive verbs. The discriminative form, more- 
over, is employed whenever the sentence absolutely requires that sub- 
jectivity of action be indicated (see §§ 21, 111). To be sure, cases 
where the subjective pronouns are used with transitive verbs are by 
no means rare. 

Siuslaw, like so many other Indian languages, has no distinct pro- 
noun for the third person singular, this person being supplied by the 
demonstrative pronouns s E a, s E a i 7ia^ s E as (see § 115). The first person 
dual has two separate forms, one for the inclusive (I and thou), and 
the other for the exclusive (I and he). Similarly, in the first per- 
son plural are distinguished the inclusive (I and ye) and exclusive (I 
and they). 

These pronouns perform the function of a whole sentence, and may 
be rendered by I, thou, he, etc., am the one who. . . . 

§ 113* 



576 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



The tabular presentation of the independent personal pronouns is as 
follows: 







Subjective 


Objective 


Discriminative 


Singular. . . . 


fist person . . . 
J2d person . . . 
[3d person . . . 


na'han, na 

nlxats 

s E a 


ndtc 

nlxatc 

s E ai'na,s E ai'natc 


qna'han, qnh 

qntxats 

8 E OS 


Dual. . . . 


Inclusive .... 
Exclusive . . . 
2d person . . . 
3d person . . . 


nans 
nau'xun 
nixats 
s E a'wax, s E aux 


na'tc E ns 
na'tcauxiin 
ni'xtc E ts 
s E aina'tcaux 


qnans 
qna'xHtn 
qnixa-ts 
s E a'saux 


Plural. . . . 


[Inclusive . . . 
J Exclusive . . . 
|2d person . . . 
[3d person . . . 


nanl 
na'nxan 
ni'xats E tci 
s E anx 


na'tcinl 
na'tcinxan 
nl'xtc E tct 
s E aina'tcmx 


qnanl 
qna'nxan 
qnl'xats E tci 
s E 'as E nx 



This table shows that the independent pronouns are derived from 
two stems — na, for the first persons, and nix or nlxts for the second per- 
sons; the first singular and all dual and plural persons being obtained 
by suffixing the subjective pronouns for these persons (see § 24) to the 
singular forms. Thus the inclusive and exclusive dual nans and 
naxun are composed of the first person singular na and of the subjec- 
tive suffixes -ns and -xun. In like manner the inclusive and exclusive 
plural nan? and na'nxan consist of na + -nl and na + -nxan respectively. 

The second person dual nixHs is abbreviated from an original 
nl'xtsHs. This abbreviation is due to simplification of double conso- 
nants (see § 15), causing a phonetic similarity between the pronouns 
for the second person singular and dual. In order to avoid possible 
confusion, duality of subject is indicated by suffixing to the verb the 
subjective pronouns for the second person dual. The second person 
plural is regular, consisting of the singular form for the second person 
plus the subjective suffix plural for that person. 

The third persons dual and plural are obtained by adding the 
subjective pronouns for these persons to the subjective form of the 
demonstrative pronoun s E a. 

The objective forms of the personal pronouns — that is to say, those 
forms that are used as objects of a sentence — are formed by adding to 
the subjective pronouns the local suffix indicating motion -fc(see § 90). 
The form for the second person singular is the result of an abbrevia- 
tion from an original nl'xtsHc caused perhaps by a reduction of the 
cluster of final consonants. 

§ 113 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 577 

It will be noticed that the subjective suffixes employed in the forma- 
tion of the corresponding dual and plural persons are added after the 
adverbial -&?, a fcrait which Siuslaw has in common with the Alsea 
language. The objective pronouns for the third persons have as 
their basis the corresponding forms of the demonstrative pronoun. 

For the sake of emphasis the subjective suffixed pronouns are some- 
times used in addition to the independent forms. 

Examples of subjective pronouns: 

na'han HntslL.^ya's I have an arrow (literally, I am the one who 
[I] is arrow-having) 50.16 

a'tsan tE naL/oxa'xam that's why this I was sent 21.8 

na'han a'nts E nx si'nhyuts I am that one whom you wanted 40.14 

Jcumi'ntcin na nwtci'tc wa'a l l not I anything will say (literally, not 
I, 1 am the one who anything will say) 74.9 

Jc/ixa if na alone (was) 1 100.3 

n%x a ts H E nx qanl'nal hl'nisltl you'll take "along your knife (liter- 
ally, you are the one, you, knife take along will, yours) 50.16, 
17 

mx a ts IHIa 1 ' you are eating 

H s E apEli'tcHux and he will be first 10.1 

nans hl'sa we two (incl.) are well 

na^x'un xd'ts/u we two (excl.) are two 36.15 

s E a u x ata's L/xu'yun they two only knew it 98.9 

s E anx tsl'k/ya L/xu'yun they very (well) know it 72.1, 2 

Examples of objective pronouns: 
kumi'ntc h% l 'sa natc it is not good for me 12.2 
Hnx natc Ll'wls then you shall come to me 44.6 
Tcumi'ntc hi 1 ' sa nl' x a tc it (does) not (look) good on you 12.5 
Icumi'ntc na'tc E ns s%'n l xya tE qlutcu'ni not us two (incl.) like 
these women 52.13 

Examples of objective and discriminative pronouns for the third 
persons will be found under "Demonstrative Pronouns" (see § 115), 
while the discriminative pronouns for the first and second persons 
have been illustrated in § 21. 

§ 114. The Possessive Pronouns 

The independent possessive pronouns are compound forms con- 
sisting of the following three separate elements: the independent 
personal pronoun (see § 113), the relative case-ending -ewiI (see § 87), 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12 37 § 114 



578 



BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



and the sign of possession -I (see § 88). The sign of possession is not 
present in forms that express the third persons as the possessor. 
To these compound forms are added the suffixed subjective pronouns 
(see § 24) for the purpose of indicating the person of the possessor. 
The suffixed pronouns, to be sure, agree always with the independent 
pronouns that form the initial elements of the compound. The fol- 
lowing peculiarities will be observed in connection with the pro- 
nominal forms that enter into the composition of the independent 
possessive pronouns: 

1. For the first and second persons (singular, dual and plural) the 
subjective forms of the independent pronoun are used. The stems 
na and nix are employed for that purpose. 

2. For the third person (singular, dual and plural) the objective 
form of the independent pronoun (s E a if na) is used. 

3. Singularity, duality, or plurality of the person is expressed, not 
in the initial pronominal element, but in the suffixed subjective pro- 
noun. Consequently the initial element remains unchanged for all 
numbers. 

Owing to the fact that Siuslaw has no distinct subjective suffix for 
the third person singular, the suffix -to is added without the aid of the 
sign of possession -I. Duality and plurality of the third person are 
indicated by adding to -tc the subjective suffixes -a u x and -nx respec- 
tively. 

In § 88 the fact has been mentioned that possessive phrases are 
verbalized by adding the auxiliary suffix -t (see § 76) to the sign of pos- 
session. This -t often figures in the composition of the independent 
possessive pronouns, especially those for the first and second persons. 

The following table shows the independent possessive pronouns: 



Singular . 



fiual 



Plural 



1st person 
2d person 
3d person 




Inclusive 
Exclusive 
2d person 
3d person 



na'm E lln, na'm E litin 
nVxamllnx, ni'xamMinx 
s E aina'mltc, s E ama'ml 



na'm E lins, na'm E Vitins 
na'm E lixti,n, na'm E Utauxti,n 
nl'xamlits, nl'xamllUts 
s E aina'mltcwax 



na'm E llnl, na'm E lUml 
na'm E linxan, na'm E lUmxan 
nl'xamlltcl, nl'xamlit E tcl 
s E aina'mltcn E x 



114 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 579 

It will be noticed that the obscure e of the relative suffix -End has 
been contracted with the preceding vowels of na and s E a i 'na into a 
clear a- vowel (see § 9). The weak vowel in ?ia'm E lin, na'mHlns, etc., 
is due to the law of sound-groupings (see § 4). 

The third person singular often loses its distinct suffix for that per- 
son (-tc). This loss is due to the fact that the form s E a i na'ml is in 
itself capable of expressing a possessive idea that has the third person 
as its possessor. 

These possessive pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and 
may be properly translated b} r it is mine, it is thine, etc. They are 
frequently used for the sake of emphasis in addition to the possessive 
suffixes that are added to nouns, and in such cases invariably precede 
the nominal concept. 

wa'a l s E nx na'mHltin wa'as you shall continually speak (with) my 

language 36.13 
na'mHln q/a'll my pitch, this is my pitch 
na'mHltm Ikwa'?iuq u this is my hat 
na'mHln mita (he) is my father 
nl'xamllnx led' tan your horse 
nl'xamllnx mila (she is) your mother 

s E a i na'mltc wa'as wa a ' syaxa^n his language he had spoken 36.14 
s E a i na'mltc Laa' his mouth 
s E a i na'ml led' tan his horse 
na'mHlns led' tan our (dual, inch) horses 
na'mHlxiin tdL our (dual, excl.) hands 
nl'xamllts lewlyd's your (dual) dog 
s E a i na'mltc w ax lid' tan their (dual) horse 
na'mHlnl led' tan our (plural, incl.) horses 
na'mHlnxan tEq our (plural, excl.) relative 102.5 
nl'xamlltci tEq your (plural) relatives 
s E a i na'mltc i nx qal'tc their (plural) knives 

§ 115. The Demonstrative Pronouns 

Although Siuslaw has a number of stems that are used as demon- 
strative pronouns, there could not be detected in them such cate- 
gories as visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, nearness to or 
remoteness from the speaker. It is true that in some instances the 
informant would render a certain demonstrative pronoun as indicating 
nearness or remoteness; but this rendering was invariably caused by 

§ H5 



580 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the leading character of my questions, and never appeared spontane- 
ously. 

The demonstrative pronouns, however, present another striking 
feature that is not commonly found in the American Indian languages. 
This feature consists in the fact that some of them occur in two dis- 
tinct forms, one being used with subjects of the sentence, while the 
other is applied to objects only. This fact serves as another instance 
illustrating the extent to which the category of subjectivity and ob- 
jectivity permeates this language. 

The following demonstrative pronouns have been found in Siuslaw : 

ta a U has been invariably rendered by this, and in some instances 
by here. It may be used in connection with subjects and objects 
alike. Duality and plurality of subjects and objects are indicated by 
the suffixation of the subjective pronouns -a u x and -nx respectively 
(see § 24). 

td a lc pEni's this skunk 

td a 7c tExmu'ni this man 

tsl'Tcfya his tEq td'lcm lakwa'Jcun (a) very good thing this here I 

have obtained 72.15, 16 
L/°wa'xan tafkin liu' as a messenger here I come 17.6, 7 
ta a 'lc w ax qa'tc i ntux these two will go 32.10, 11 
td a '¥nx tExmu'ni these men 

tE applies to subjects and objects. There can be no doubt that it 
is an abbreviated form of the demonstrative pronoun td a h (see above). 
It was usually rendered by this or the. When followed by the sub- 
jective pronouns (see § 24), the obscure vowel assumes a clear tinge 
and appears as a distinct a-vowel. 

H mEq!a lr tx hat'qmas Llya'iva tE lk!anu f k u and she danced near 
the fire, this Screech-Owl 86.11, 12 

Llha'yax tE iAya'aP it passed (by), this fire 32.19 

ti'Mn tE ta l this here is my house (literally, here I, this one, live) 
58.8 

s E a'tsa hl'tcHc nictcima £ mu tE til that's why bear acts like a per- 
son (literally, thus [of a] person his fashion [has] the bear) 60.26 

wi'nxcfin tEpEni's she was afraid of this skunk 86.1 

hlna'yun tE rnl'kta liltc he took along this bad man 23.2, 3 

nl'ctcanx tanx yd^xa 1 qdtx why do you cry much (literally, how [is 
it that] you this, much cry) 94.16, 17 
§ 115 



boasI HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 581 

s E a!tsa tanx si'nhyutnE that's why this you are wanted 18.4 
lahwa'ultxa w x ta'tc w ax ql'utc ta u x tsimi'l'a <pooa!txa lw ax taken 

away (were) these their (dual) wives, (namely of) them two, 

Beaver and Muskrat 52.3, 4 
.... to! nxan hutcu 1 ' .... (as) these we (here) play 70.12 

In some instances this pronoun may have a verbal force, and is 
then best rendered by this who. ... 

s E a!tsa IHla 1 ' in td'yax thus ate those who lived (there) 82.12 

s E as is used with subjects of transitive verbs only, and seems to 
have a distinct discriminative character. In this capacity it exercises 
the function of the missing independent pronoun for the third person 
(see § 113). It may either precede or follow the verb, although there 
is a prevailing tendency to place it at the end of the sentence. It 
may be translated by this or he. 

H IHla'yun s E as and he devours him 94.10 

rm'Ma tE x q xau'un s E as bad something this (one) had killed 96.12, 

13 
s E as k u na c u xvfyun ants Itfi'a 1 he, perhaps, has scared away that 

salmon 56.11 
s E as qata'yun ants Lxau' he hooks that spear 64. 7 
s E a's E nl JclJxa'yuts he killed us 28.3 

s E a refers to subjects of both transitive and intransitive verbs. 
The difference between this pronoun and the above discussed s E as lies 
in the strictly discriminative character of the latter. It may best be 
rendered by this, he, and is mostly employed as a personal pronoun 
for the third person singular (see § 113). Duality and plurality of 
the subject are indicated by suffixing to s E a the subjective pronouns 
-a u x and -nx respectively (see § 24). 

s E a tExmu'ni this man 

H tsim s E a ya'q u 'yun always he sees it 68.22 

H s E apEWtcHux and that one will be first 10.1 

s E a u x ata's Llxu'yun li't!a l these two only know (where) food (is) 

98.9 
s E a?ix tsl'ldya Lfxu'yun hutcu' u these very (well) know (how to) 

play 72.1, 2 

In four instances this pronoun has been used as referring to objects. 
I believe this use to be the result of erroneous application on the part 
of the informant. The examples follow. 

§ 115 



582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

s E a l!xU' yuri lk!a?i u ioa'k u him she knows, Screech-Owl 86.7 
s E a Hn qi'utc hawa'yun that one I (will my) wife make 90.1, 2 
s E a ata's ants ma'qllnutnE (for) him only the dance was arranged 

28.7 
t°iva'tels wan s E a yikti'l'ma spear now that big (one)! 64.2 

s E a l 'na refers to objects only, and serves as the objective form of 
the missing personal pronoun for the third person (see § 113). Hence 
it may be rendered by this, that, him. By adding the subjective 
suffixes to it (see § 24), the dual and plural persons for this pronoun 
are obtained. 

yd a, xa i Kite plna l tx ha 1 s E a i, na man} T people were sorry for that 

15.4 
kumi'ntein na nictcl'tc wa'aH pEll'tc s E a l 'na not I anything will 

say first (without) her 74. 9 
s E a'tsa u x H kumi'ntc tE*q s E a i 'na u x that's why they two (cared) 

nothing about them two 54.11, 12 

til, tu'a, a demonstrative pronoun that may best be rendered by 
that one. It denotes subjects and objects alike. A comparison be- 
tween this pronoun and the previously discussed s E a suggests that the 
initial elements t and s may be petrified prefixes having the function 
of demonstrative pronouns. This assertion receives further substan- 
tiation from the fact that Siuslaw forms, in analogy to s E as, a discrimi- 
native pronoun tu'as, and that it has two other demonstrative stems 
whose initial elements are t- and s- respectively. These pronouns are 
tu'aH that kind and s E aH this kind, and they may be explained as 
being composed of t- (tu-) + -aH and s- + -aH. The function of the 
second element can not be explained. The t- occurs, furthermore, 
independently as tE (see p. 580). x 

The pronoun tu, tufa, occurs also in dual and plural forms, obtained 
by adding the subjective suffixes -a u x and -nx (see § 24) to it. 

tu yakla^'nt qlutcu'ni that small(est) woman 88.12 
kumi'ntc his tu tExmu'ni not good (is) that man 90.23; 92.1 
tu'a tExmu'm that man 

qna'nxan LElufyun tu'a u x xa'tslu we (inch) are hitting those two 
tu'anx tExmu'ni those men 
LElu'yutsin tu'as that one is hitting me 
tu'aH that (is the) kind 102.2 

kumi'ntc Ms natc tE s E a l t L. f a' ai not good (is for) me this kind (of 
a) place 44.4, 5 

1 The o us a deriionstrative element has been also found in Alsea. 

$ 115 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES— SIUSLA WAN 583 

s E aH E L!a' ai such (a) world 15.1 

wa l ya a 'xa l tE Mtc, s E aHvf sfrixya although many (are) these 
people, that kind (of a thing every one) likes 102.2, 3 

ants is the only pronoun that may be said to contain a locative 
force. It is invariably used in connection with objects that are away 
from the speaker, and may be rendered by that one. It may refer 
to subject and object, and is used in the singular, dual, and plural, 
although in most cases duality and plurality are accentuated by suffix- 
ing the respective subjective pronouns -a u x and -nx (see § 24). This 
pronoun may also have a verbal force, and is then best rendered 
by that one who . . . , those who. ... It always precedes 
the noun. 

hamxcfi'm ants tsEha u 'ya that tied (up) grass 8.6 

s u lcwi'tc tsinq/t ants liltc very poor (was) that person 16.10; 17.1 

ants qa l x last night (literally, that night) 40.14 

lk!an v "wa'~k u wi'nxa^n ants pE?ii's Screech-Owl was afraid of that 

Skunk 86.5 
ants lqa in tu ants Tsxuna'pm tll'tlyun that tree on which 

Tsxunpii (Coyote) was sitting 94.6 
xau' na u x{L?i ants ml'lcla hite we two killed that bad person 96.8, 9 
lakwa'lcu u n ants qlutcufni ants u x tsinl' Ltsinl' l those two otters 

took away those women 52.16 
ants L!a' ai hltc those many people 7.1 
ants pEku' wi those who play TO. 6, 7 
atsl'te waa'xam ants hltc tca'xaH thus was told that man who was 

going back 30.13, 14' 
lk!anu'lc u ya'q u 'yun a'?itsux mEq!a l 'tx Screech-Owl watched those 

two who kept on dancing 86.8 
s E a'tsa xnl' w nls a'nt^nx pukwa if thus keep on doing those who 

play shinny 78.17 

In a number of instances two demonstrative pronouns are used, fol- 
lowing each other in immediate succession. This is done primarily 
for the sake of emphasis. In such sentences the second demonstra- 
tive stem may be rendered by a relative pronoun. 

ha^natc a {/ sxa ll'tla 1 tE s E a q u L/itc that otter is eating a different 
food (literally, different her, also, food, [of] this here sea-otter) 
54.7, 8 
H s E a tE t/amci'slc'in and this here (is) the little boy 94.16 
H waa'xam ants s E a qa't&ntux and was told that man who will go 
16.7 

§ H5 



584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Tcumi f ntc w ax si'n^xyun lI'u ta'ls ants s E a they two don't want to 
stay near here (literally,* not they two, want it, near [to] keep 
od staying, that one here) 

Parallel to these forms are the indefinite, interrogative, and reflexive 
pronouns. The following have been observed: 

watc. It has the function of an interrogative, relative, and in- 
definite pronoun, and applies to animate beings only. When used in 
an interrogative sense, it is best rendered by who, while as an indefi- 
nite pronoun, it is to be translated by somebody. The interrogative 
character of this particle can be recognized only by the interrogative 
tone of the sentence in which it occurs. 

wdtcHc Ted' tan whose horse (is it)? 

watc xa'lntux somebody will climb up 

watc tE , x a mtc ha 1 (he) who strong (is) his heart 10.1 

watc Lfxu'yun Lxatu' wi (he) who knows (the art of) running 78.18 

tE K q is used as an interrogative and indefinite pronoun, and ap- 
plies to animals and inanimate objects only. It may best be rendered 
by what or something. 

tEq what (is it) ? 

ha if mut tEq everything 9.5 

tsi'~k!ya Ms tEq (a) very good thing 72.15, 16 

~kum%' ntc l nx tE K q you (will be) nothing 13.2 

ats tEq waxa'yExayim when something will be given to him 18.5 

H s E a'tsa tEq qnuhu'yun that's why something he finds 

In a few instances tEq has been rendered by relative. This free 
rendering is perfectly justifiable, because in the instances quoted tEq 
implies the idea of being something to the person spoken to or 
spoken of. 

na'mHlnx t£q you (are) my relative (literally, my something 

you" [are]) 20.6 
tsHmstc tEq ants Iqlal'd'md her own relative (was) that pelican 

(literally, her own something) 46.1 
An objective form of this particle has been found in one instance. 
tEqa u na'nl la'lcwlsun something we (incl.) will always get 72.17,18 
tdqa if na is the regular objective form of tE*q, and occurs fre- 
quently. 
§ 115 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 585 

Jcumi'ntcxtln taqcp'na wi'nx not we two (excl.) anything fear 94.17 
si'nxit taqa v na he wants something 18.5 

wa'stfsyanx taqa l 'na (when) you get mad at anything 36.11, 12 
wa'a l s E nx tdqa^na (when) you will say something 38.4 

Another objective form of this particle may be the form ta'qan, 
occurring in one single instance. 

ta'qan tEX tcaitci'tc xi'ntmls why do you want to go anywhere 
(literally, for something, perhaps, somewhere [you] keep on 
going) 48.1, 2 

tctnt, tct'nta", serves primarily as an interrogative pronoun, 
in which case it is rendered by which one ? Its scope, however, has 
been widened, permitting its use as a relative pronoun and in some 
instances as a numeral adverb. In the latter sense the form tcint is 
invariably used. It is then translated Iry whoever, whatever, or by 

HOW MUCH, HOW MANY ? 

tci'nta u n tEX ¥kwa'yun which one I (wonder) shall I take? 88.20; 

90.1 
tci'nta u nx si'nfxyun which one do you want? 40.4, 5 
tci'nta u nictca 1 ' ants hitc whatever does that man 70.22 
tci'nta u hitc Llwa 1 ' whatever person came (here) 24.7 
tci'nta u yi'ktHc . . . whosoever ... is big 90. 1 . 
tcint hitc qa'ntcya i/iwa'wax whatever person from somewhere is 

going to come 38.10, 11 
tci'nfinx hl'qla how many shells have you? (literally, how many 

thy dentalia shells ? ) 
tcint ltd' tan how many horses? 
. . . tcint tsxayu' wi ... on such a day (literally, [on] whatever 

[a] day) 7.3 

ts'ims has the function of a reflexive pronoun, and is best ren- 
dered by (I) myself, (thou) thyself, etc., or, when used with nouns, 
b}^ (my) own, (thy) own, etc. 

ts'ims s E atsl'tc cVn l xyat!ya to himself thus he always thinks 88.11 
LElu'yun ts'ims I hit myself 

titmstc tE q ants Iqlal'd'ma ants squma' her own relative that Peli- 
can (is of) that Sea-Gull 46.1, 2 
l /xmai' yutsmin ts'ims m u u'sk u I killed my own brother 

qa'w u nti, qa'w w ntttc, imparts the idea of reciprocality, and is 
best rendered by each other, mutually. The difference between 
the two parallel forms lies in the fact that the latter has been amplified 
by means of the modal suffix -Uc (see § 94). 

§ 115 



586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

H ~k!ix tEq skwaha'yusnE qa'wintl everything was placed on both 

sides 80. S 
qaw u ntl'tc w ax win E xna'wa each other they two feared 86.2 
qa'w u nti on both sides 

The Numeral (§§ 116-117) 
§ 116. The Cardinals 

1. al a q 18.T "'• 16. M'x E s u l qa'tlmx 

2. xa'tslu 30.23 17. M'x E s H xa'tslu qta'max 

3. el'n a x 62.12 18. M'x E s H cl'n a x qta'max 

4. xa'tslun 40.23 19. M f x E s H Tcumi'ntc al a q qa v nat 

5. Lxaf'pts 72.8 20. xa'tslu Mxe'stim 

6. qa'tlmx 21. xa'tslu Mxe'stim H al a q 

7. xoJtslu qta'max 30. d'n a x Mxe'stim 

8. d/n°a; qta'max 40. xa'tslun Mxe'stim 

9. a'l a qxa u t 50. Lxa^ph Mxe'stim 

10. ta^s 8.1 60. qa'tlmx Mxe'stim 

11. H'se's W Z ^'^ 70. xa'tslu qta'max Mxe'stim 

12. &£Vs M 2 xa'tslu 80. cl'nax qta'max Mxe'stim 

1 3. K'a^s M £ d'n a x 90. a'l a qxa u t qta'max Mxe'stim 

14. M'x E sHxa'ts!untca i xwVyu 100. M'x E sMxe'stim ' 

15. M'x E s u lLxa i 'p i stca i xwi'yu 101. M'x E s M,xe'stim u l al a q 

By origin the Siuslaw numeral system is probably quinary, 
although there seem to be only four simple numeral stems; namely, 
those for one, two, three, and fiye. The numeral xa'tslun four 
is to all appearances a plural form of xa'tslu two. The numeral 
qa'tlmx six could not be analyzed. It is not improbable, however, that 
it may signify one (finger) up, in which event seven could be ex- 
plained as denoting two (fingers) up, while eight could be rendered 
b}^ three (fingers) up. In spite of incessant attempts, the numeral 
for nine could not be analyzed. Its probable rendering may be sug- 
gested as one (lacking to) ten. The numerals for fourteen and 
fifteen may be translated as by ten and four its addition and ten 
and five its addition respectively. The exact rendering of nine- 
teen is obscure, while twenty evidently denotes two times ten, etc. 

Siuslaw does not possess the series of ordinal numerals. These and 
the numeral adverbs, such as the multiplicative numerals, are expressed 
idiomatically by means of adverbs or adverbial suffixes. The adverbs 
pdl'tc ahead and limnl'tc behind (see § 119) are very often used as 
ordinal numerals for the first two numbers. 

§ 116 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 587 

pEni's pEll'tc H Ik.'avu'l""' limni'tc Skunk (doctored) first, and 

Screech-Owl second 86.11 
s h aHu r ni pEll f tc xi'ntma i stun the biggest one first he took along 

92.18 
Qa'aH&x pEli'tc mlia'yax tE Llya'cC 1 along North Fork at first it 

came, this fire 32.19 

Multiplicative numerals are sometimes formed by adding to the car- 
dinals the modal suffix -Itc (see § 94). 

xdtsluun'tcin yixa'yun twice I saw him 
a'lqaHcin Llxu'yun qna once I knew it 92.12 

Ordinal numerals in the sense of at the first, second, etc., are 
sometimes formed by suffixing to the cardinals the suffix -a in. 

alqa' K tu tsxayu' wi on the first day, in one day 
xats!uwa' K tu tsxayu' wi on the second day, in two days 
xdts!una n tu tsxayu' wi on the fourth day, in four days 

The suffix for the numeral five appears in a somewhat changed 
form. Instead of the expected -atu, this numeral takes the suffixes 
-tatu, -tyatu. The suggestion may be offered that the inital t- of 
these suffixes is the adjectival suffix -t- (see § 104), and the -atu the 
regular modal suffix. Of course, this does not explain the occurrence 
of the semi- vowel y in -tyatu. 

tlamcins tcl'ntux Lxa i p%std'Hu tsxayu' wi our (dual, incl.) boys will 

return in five days 42.7 
Lxa^stya'Hu Hwa?i t<yh l n hitsi'stc on the fifth day he finally came 

home 72.9 
tcl'ntux Lxa l pistya n tu tsxayu' wi he will come back in five days 
40.25, 26- 
Two stems, lc! l x and liai'mut, are used as definite numerals. The 
former is best rendered by each, every; while the latter, to all 
appearances an adjective in -t (see § 104), is best translated by all. 
Iclix tEq everything 24.4 
tExmu'nitc w ax ants t fame Jc/lx they two had each a boy (literally, 

males their two, those boys, each) 40.19 
ha if mut ma'ltcH ants iAmna' K q all elks got burned 34.18, 19 
ha if mut qa'tc l nt sqa l Tctcl'tc all go there 23.6 

§117. TJie Decimal System 

The units exceeding multiples of ten are expressed by forms whose 
exact rendering would be ten (twenty) and one (two) as, for instance, 
M'x E s H a'l a q ten and one, etc. The "tens" are formed by means of 

§ 117 



588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the suffix -tvm, that is added to the cardinal numerals for ten. The 
numeral thus amplified is preceded by the cardinals from two to ten 
(inclusive). Thus twenty, literally translated, means two times ten, 
thirty signifies three times ten, and one hundred denotes ten 
times ten. The numeral for thousand was, naturally enough, never 
used. The informant invariably gave the English equivalent for it. 

The Adverb (§§ 118-121) 
§ 118. Introductory 

Siuslaw has, comparatively speaking, a small number of adverbial 
stems. These express ideas of a local, temporal, and modal character. 
A few of them are compounds, — that is to say, they consist of two or 
more adverbs that occur independently also, — while others occur 
with the adverbial suffixes whose function is always in harmony 
with the ideas expressed by the bare stem. Thus a few adverbs indi- 
cating local ideas appear with the local suffix -to (see § 90), while most 
of the modal adverbs take the suffixes of modality -Uc or -a (see §§94 
and 96). 

It is quite conceivable that the final k in the local adverbs tile, stimlc, 
and sqaflc, may imply some local idea, especially in view of the fact that 
both stim and stlrrik occur. 

A very important law applying to local adverbs (and phrases) is the 
fact that, whenever they are used in connection with nouns, the nouns 
invariably take the locative case-endings (see § 86). 

§ 119. Local Adverbs and Phrases 

a'mhaHx in the middle tutl'm there 72.3 

ha { q ashore 44.7 tuqaftmE over there, across 

ha^qmas alongside, near 25.4 tuqya'a} 12 up-stream 32.22 

ha u wi's beyond qa'titc 3 across the river, opposite 

psll'tc ahead, first 32.19 80.16 

m E yo s k u s in the beginning qa'thi from here 60.4 

82.11 qa' xantc* under, down, below 8.10 

tlu'ts 1 here 17.3 qa'xun, qa uf xun 5 high up, above, 
tlk, ta l Tc here 56.5, 19 on 8.7; 34.21 

i Probably related to the Coos tl" over there. 
2 Alsea to'qwl. 

* Coos qa'titc down the stream. 

* Related to Alsea qe'xan under, below. 
& Coos qaxan- up. 

§§ 118-119 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 



589 



qa u x x on top 76.14 

qatu'tc 2 below, down the 

stream 62.17, 18 
qatwa'a* below, down stream 

80.6 
tqa u wi\ tqa u, wltc up-stream 

56.8, 12 . 
stim, stlmk there 30.23; 32.12 
sqa/tEm from there 34.3 
sqa l Jc, sqek there 14.6 



qa* ha' n 56.8^0? ha' ntc far 10.3; 56.5 
qan, qamst&'tc down, below 12.6 
qd'x u m off shore, out in the water 

34.6. 
qtsl inside 

Umnl'tc behind, after, second 86.11 
Inn outside 38.23 
lI'u near (used also as a verb in 

the sense to come, to appkoach) 

40.12 



§ 120. Temporal Adverbs 



ats 3 at that time, when 16.8 
a if lat then, afterwards 34.3 
hl'nakt 1 right away 20.1 
wa' molts long ago, already 

14.7 
wi'yu still, yet 
ya'tsa a long time 11.3 
ta'llts after a while 50.2 
tiL awhile 

iA'mqa quick, 



tsa'nxaHs yesterday 

tsim always 15.5 

ts^u'xtUs early in the morning 40.9 

td'kyac L!a! ai sometimes 100.7 

ku i yd'tsacL!a raii after a while, 

soon 7.7 
Mha't today 38.16 
1c! e 'lu 5 tomorrow 60. 2 
Inat always 13.3 
right away 19.6 



121. Modal Adverbs 



a'tsa, atsl'tc thus 15.5; 11.2 
hl'catca a little 
yd a 'xa i much, many 8.5 
yux u too much 12.2 
ti'mwa together 40.18 
nlctcama 1 f nai 'e differently 
9.3,4 



s E a'tsa, 6 s E ats%'tc thus 8.2, 7 
s u Jcwl'tc very, very much 16.10 
d'ntcata in a circle 
tsl'Jcfya very, very much 13.9 
xyal'x, Tcu 1 xyal'x almost, very 
nearly 11.1; 10.9, 11.1 



Particles (§§ 122-133) 



§ 122. Introductory 

Siuslaw has a great number of particles which serve to define more 
clearly a certain part of speech or even a whole sentence. Their 

!Alsea qaux high. 

2 Possibly related to Coos qaya'atc down the stream. 

3 See § 136. 

* A compound adverb consisting of the negation ltu* not, the adverb ya'tsa a long time, amplified 
by the obscure suffix -c, and of the stem L.'a'ai (see § 133) . 

6 By prefixing to this adverb the demonstrative pronoun ants, Siuslaw forms a compound adverb 
ants I:.' e 'lu, which is best rendered by yesterday. 

• See § 125. 

§§ 120-122 



590 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

meaning was deduced mostty from the sense of the sentence in which 
they occurred. These stems are either monosyllabic (in which case 
they may be enclitic or proclitic) or they consist of two or more syl- 
lables. A limited number seems to be composed of two or more 
originally independent particles. As a rule, particles are not capable 
of word-formation — that is to say, they can not be amplified by means 
of any of the grammatical processes, such as prefixation, suffixation, 
etc. But owing to the fact that Siuslaw shows a tendency to keep 
the verbal stem free from all subjective suffixes, these suffixes are 
preferably added to the particles that precede the verb (see § 26). 
Some of these particles seem to be in reality verbal stems, but do not 
convey a clear verbal idea unless used in conjunction with a proper 
verbal suffix (see § 135). 

In accordance with their syntactic function, the particles ma}^ be 
conveniently subdivided into the following categories: 

(1) Pronominal particles. 

(2) Numeral particles. 

(3) Conjunctions. 

(4) Temporal particles. 

(5) Particles denoting degrees of certainty. 

(6) Particles indicating connection with previously expressed ideas. 

(7) Exhortative particles. 

(8) Kestrictive particles. 

(9) Miscellaneous particles. 

(10) Suffixed particle -u (-<). 

(11) The stem Lla' ai . 

§ 123* Pronominal Particles 

The pronominal forms treated in § 115 are used sometimes without 
formative prefixes, and appear then like true particles. The follow- 
ing are particularly used in this manner: 

td a Tc this, here tE*q what, something 

tE this tcint, tci'nta u which one, who- 

tu that ever, whatever, how much, 

ants that one how many 

vxitc who, some one ts'tms (reflexive) self 

qa'w u nti mutually 
§ 123 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 591 

Related to tcint are the particles telle where, and ted, tcaltcl'tc 

WHERE TO. 

t clU, a local particle denoting rest. It may be used indicatively 
and in an interrogatory sense. It is best rendered by where. 

telle s E a i na'ml Jed' tan where is his horse ? 

telle qnuhu'yun hltc where (ever) he finds a person 94.9, 10 

leu 1 telle nowhere 56.11 

idle ants le/dlatu' u where that fun (is) 88.2 

telle ants yileti'l'ma lqa in tu where that big log (is) 88. IT, 18 

ted, tcaltcl'tc, a local particle indicating motion. It is used in 
an interrogative and indicative significance, and is best rendered by 
where (to). The form tcaltcl'tc may be explained as caused by the 
double suffixation of the adverbial suffix -Itc (see § § 90, 94). Such 
double adding of a suffix occurs in only one other instance; namely, in 
the case of the nominal suffix -ax (see § 101). 

leumi'ntc ted yax nowhere (anything to) see 34.4 
leumi' 'ntcxun qa i ha'ntc ted ni'ctels not we two (excl.) far some- 
where will go 56.2 
. . . tcdn tE Liu' . . . where this I arrived 66.19 
tcaltci'tc lo s l nl'ctux (I) wonder where he will go 64.20 
tcaltcl'tc qa't&ntyax he went somewhere 

§ 124. Numeral Particles 

Here belong the following stems: yd a 'xa i many (see also § 12), 
tE'mxut, tsi'nExma, tsi'nlxt half, and le E a l t how many. The particles 
serving as fractional numerals invariably follow the noun they define, 
while the two other numeral particles may either precede or follow it. 

yixa'yun yd a 'xa l hltc I saw many people 

tE'mxut td'la half a dollar 

hl'icHc tsi'nExma ants t!l that bear is half a person (literally [a] 

person [is] his [one] half, that bear) 60.16 
hltc tsi'nlxt ants t/l half human (is) that bear 60.22 

These forms might also be considered as adjectives. It will be 
noted that most of them end in the adjectival suffix -t (see § 104). 

§ 125. Conjunctions 

Only three particles were found that may be properly said to have 

the function of our conjunctions. These particles are a'l'du, a if sxa, 

and H. 

§§ 124-125 



592 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

a'l'du refers to nouns only, and its function is of an inclusive 
character, indicating that the denned noun is included in the action. 
It always follows the noun and is best rendered by likewise. It is 
frequently used as a verb (see § 135). 

H tit a'l'du ma'ltcH Bear likewise got burned 34.16 
hl'q u a'l'du mi'ltcist Wild-Cat likewise burned 34.17 
ya u 'xa u x a'l'du IHIa'yun fern-roots they two likewise eat 98.15 
qa l 'x E nx a'l'du ya'q u hitux at night you likewise shall watch 70.18, 
19 

ai'sxa serves the same purpose as the preceding a'l'du, but 
may either precede or follow the noun to which it refers. It is best 
rendered by also, too. 

a'l a q tExmu'ni H a'l a q qmtcu'?ii H a l 'sxa sqa l ktd'tc qa't&ntux one 

man and one woman too will go there 30.21, 22 
lia l 'natc a l 'sxa ll'tla 1 her food belonged to some one else (literally, 
different her, also, food) 54. 7 
u l has various functions. Its chief function is that of a copula 
between nouns and sentences, and in that case is best rendered by and. 
Its position is free, although it tends to follow the noun and to 
precede the verb. 

a'l a q tExmu'ni H a'l a q qlutcu'ni one man and one woman 30.21, 22 

mita'aHin H mila'aHin m} r father and my mother 

pEni's pEll'tc H lk!anu'k u limni'tc Skunk (doctored) first, and 

Screech-Owl second 86.11 
s E atsi'tc waa', H hl'q!a l t thus he said and started 22.5, 6 
ta l H lH!a if he sits and eats 

It serves, furthermore, to introduce a new idea, in which case its 
functional character may best be compared to that of our syntactic 
period. Its exact rendering is a rather difficult matter, unless the 
arbitrary then be excepted. 

l fxu'yun ml'Tcfa tsi'Tc/ya. l Ixu'yun hl'sa Ik !an u wa'lc u antspEni's. 

Lna u ' wi hitc H Iqaqat'txaPnpEna's she knew him (to be) very bad. 

Screech-Owl knew that Skunk very well. At a rich man Skunk 

was breaking his wind 86. 5, 6, 7 
s B atsl'tc waa 1 ' ants Ik !anu'k u . Ants plna'st H c%'n l xyat!ya dqa'wax. 

u l s E atsi'tc waa' ants lk!anu'k u . Thus said that Screech-Owl. 

Then that sick man thought of running away. Then thus said 

that Screech-Owl 86.14, 15, 16 
$ 125 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 593 

Finally, it may denote a connection with a previously expressed idea, 
especially when used in conjunction with the particle Wat (see §128). 

wa l yilct ants hltsl H , H ta'qnis hltu'stc although big (is) that house, 

still (it is) full (of) people 25.2, 3 
wa l tcl'wa majHc ants lqa in tu, H mUtca 1 'although in the water lay 

those logs, nevertheless (they) began to burn 32.22 
wa l ya a 'xa l hltc, H ha ir mut s E as IHIa'yun although many (were) 

the people, still he devoured (them) all 94.10, 11 

This subordinate function, as it were, is particularly brought out 
when H is followed or preceded by the modal adverb a'tsa, s E a'tsa thus 
(see § 121). This phrase is invariably rendered by that is why. 

a'tsa H wan tEmvftx hltcu' u that is why now people assemble 15.5, 6 
a'tsan Hnlcumi'ntc si f n l xyun that is why I don't want it 15.8 
s E a'tsa u l~kum%'ntc nl'lcla xi'ntmll hltc that was why not alone 

traveled a person 94.11 
u l s E a'tsa H haya'mut My ate Llxu'yun and this is why all people 
know it 

§ 126. Temporal Particles 
"W hile Siuslaw employs distinct suffixes for the purpose of express- 
ing the different tenses in the verb, it has a few particles that are 
used to define more clearly the time, duration, or occurrence of a 
certain action. These are used mostly in conjunction with the proper 
temporal suffixes. The following particles serve this purpose : 

aL denotes commencement of an action, and has been rendered 
rather freely by now. 

a f Lan lit! a' wax now I commence to eat 

aL slLa'wax now he commences to swim 

H E nx aL hutca'tc now they began to play 72.23, 24 

wan indicates finality, completion of action. It either pre- 
cedes or follows the verb. The informant invariably rendered it by 
now, then, but the most proper rendering would be finally. 

Hwan tel l n he finally returned 68.12 
aqa'qa^x wan they two finally ran away 92.5 
wan smutfa'tf finally it ends 9.1 
sqa l Tc wan Jiawa 1 ' there finally it ends 14.6 

wa' y waJia', expresses repetition of action, and is best rendered 
by again. It rarely occurs as an independent particle, being mostly 
used as a verb (see § 135). The explanation for the occurrence of the 
double form has been given in § 3. 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12 38 § 126 



594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

qa't&nt ants hitc wahaf that man went again 19.5 
kUnVya'waxan waha'wax I will look again 56.20 
Hwan waha'haPn qa'mskHc finally again (said) to him his younger 

brother 56.20, 21 
Hn kumi'ntc xwVlHux wa'Hux I will not go back again 46.8 
waha 1 ' xalna 1 ' ants ya £ lc u s again climb up those seals 62.10 

Hyax- indicates short duration of action. It always occurs in 
verbal form (see § 135), and is best rendered by a while. 

iVyaxEm qa'q u% nEm! listen a while! 

ll'yax a xyaxan a u 'sisyax I slept a while 

llyaxa'waxan a u sa'wax I intend to sleep a while 27. 5, 6 

§ 127. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and 
Emotional States 

a'ckfali indicates a supposition on the part of the speaker, and is 
best rendered by perhaps, (I) thought. It consists of two etymologi- 
cally obscure stems, a'ck/a and li. The subjective pronouns, when 
added to this particle, are always suffixed to the initial element, and 
never to li. It is invariably placed at the beginning of the sentence. 

a'cklanl li xav! (I) thought you (had) died 68.14, 15 
a'ck!ali atsi'tc xw%L!a'wax ants t la' mains (I) thought thus were 
. going to return our (dual, incl.) boys 42.9, 10 
a'cklali qa'tc l nt he went (away) perhaps 

ha'nhan emphasizes a statement as having actually occurred. 
Hence it is rendered by indeed, to be sure. It precedes the verb. 

H wan ha'nhan s E atsa'tx hltcu' u now, indeed, thus people play 7.4 
H wan ha'nhan Llu'wanx hltsi'stc finally, sure enough, they were 
coming to different houses 30.6 

hank! "kind of," like, has a double function. When used with 
verbs, it implies that the action is not intimately known to the speaker. 
When referring to nouns (objects), it expresses a comparison between 
the defined noun and one already known to the speaker. It always 
precedes the noun or verb. 

hank! tciktc ha 1 he is in a way glad (literally, "kind of" some- 
where his mind?) 70.15 
hank! wi'nxHx ha} he is rather afraid 

§ 127 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 595 

hank! H'tcHc nictdma £ mu tE qwo'txd 1 the beaver acts like a person 

(literally, like a person his actions [of] this beaver) 54.11 
hank! hltc (he is) like (an) Indian 102.5 

tEX (I) wonder, suppose (if), (I) don't know. This particle 
has a dubitative character, expressing doubt on the part of the speaker 
as to the possibility or advisability of a certain action. It may refer 
to any part of the sentence, but must always precede the verb. 

tc%'nta u n tEX Vkxoa'yun I wonder which one (shall) I take 88.20; 
90.1 

ni'ctcl tEX xi'ntmls hltc (I) wonder how (a) person (can) keep on 
traveling 

ni'cican tEX nietca'wax (I doubt whether we) shall accomplish (any- 
thing) 60.9 

ni'ctcanl tEX xawa'un (I) wonder how we (inch) can kill him 15.7 

kit. This particle occurs in the texts only once; but, judging 
from the examples obtained in conversation, it seems to express 
agreeable surprise. 

hV'san kil wan waa'yuts well he told me (I was agreeably surprised) 

46.18 
to 1 Ml wan he is here (literally, he stays, surprise) 

k (1) may, perhaps. This is a dubitative particle, occurring 
also in Coos, 1 and denoting possibility of action. Owing to its dubita- 
tive character, it has often an interrogative significance. 

nl'ctca ~k u what is the matter? (literally, how, perhaps . . .) 90.12 
k!%n¥ya r waxan tqa u wl f tc k u waha'vmx I may look again up-stream 

56.20 
nl'ctxan k u a'ntsm mat!l f tE ku 1 tcl'nil what may (be the cause that) 

that my elder brother, this here, not comes back? 58.11, 12 
Vkwa'yunanx k u Itfi'a 1 you may get salmon 48.18 

k u na 9 a compound particle, consisting of the preceding one and 
of the particle of interrogation na (see § 131). Its significance is 
dubitative, and it may be rendered by it seems, perhaps, maybe, (I) 
guess. Its position is freely movable. 

wan k u na ta'kin s E atsi'tc a u si's now it seems, this I thus dream 70.1 
yd a, xa i Itfi'a 1 tqa u wl r k u na much salmon may be up-stream 56.8 

i See Coos, p. 385. 

§ 127 



596 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

s E as ~k u nh c u xu'yun he, I guess, drove it away 56.11 
lakwafku u n ~k u na he took him (away), perhaps 58.14 
Jcumi'ntc lc u na s E atsl'tc not thus (it is), I guess 21.10 

xl has the same function as the previously discussed hank/ (see 
p. 594). It may best be rendered by (it) looks like, as if. 

xd'ts/u xl hltc tE Tci'nna (it) looks as if two people here were talking 
plnaHx xl (it) looks as if he were sick 
tqaLa l 'txan xl I feel rather warm 

Lo £ L (I) wonder, (I) don't know. It either precedes or else 
follows the verb. 

tcaitcl'tcLd s L nl'ctux (I) wonder where (he will) go 64.20 
tea lo £ l Ll'utux (I) wonder where he will stop (arrive) 64.24 
plna 1 ' lo £ l (I.) wonder whether he is sick 

§ 1 28. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously 

Expressed Ideas 

Siuslaw has only two particles that serve this purpose. These are 
ni'ctcim and wa l . 

ni'ctcim indicates causality, and is best rendered by because. 

. . . ni'ctcim sqa l lc Ll'watll . . . because there he frequently 
came 68.4, 5 

. . . ni'ctcim s E as 7c. fi xa'yun tE hltc . . . because he made disap- 
pear these people 18.8 

. . . ni'ctcimin mEq/ya'wax . . . because I intend to dance 72.12 

. . . ni' ctim E nx namFl t£ q . . . because you are my relative 21.5 

wa l is best rendered by although, even, in spite of. It may 
refer to the sentence as a whole or to any of its parts. The complex 
of ideas dependent upon wa l is invariably introduced by the conjunc- 
tion H (see § 125). 

cuqwa'an hawa! yun, via 1 ca'yatc he passes it as roast, although 

his penis [it was] (literally, roast he makes it) 90.13 
ni'ctcim sqa l 1c Ll'watll, wa l ya'tsa, because there he frequently 

came every time (literally, because there he came frequently, 

even for a long time) 68.4, 5 
wa l ml'Tcfa? L/aya' H Lxata 1 ' even on a bad place he runs 14.1 
wa l y%kt ants hltsl' 1 H ta'qnis hltu'stc although big (was) that 

house, nevertheless full (it was of) people 25.2, 3 
§ 128 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES— SIUSLAW AN 597 

wal qatx, H xint in spite of (the fact that it was) night, (they) kept 

on going 64.24 
wa l tE x q 7ni f ~k!a H IHla'yun s E as even (if it is) something bad still 

she eats it 44.20 

§ 129. Exhortative Particles 

qa l l expresses a polite command addressed to the first and third 
persons. It is hence employed in the formation of the exhortative 
mode. The verb usually occurs with exhortative suffixes (see §§ 41, 
48, 63, 64), although instances of idiomatic expressions are not lacking 
where these suffixes have been omitted (see § 139). This particle is 
best rendered by let (me, him, us, etc.). 

qafl qat&nl'xmi let him go! 

qa ir la u x Idkwl'nl let them two seize (them) ! 52.12, 13 

qaRn xah !%' tsmE h%tsl H let me fix his house! 

qaR wan a u 'stux let him sleep now! 27.8 

ten serves to emphasize the imperative and exhortative modes. 
It invariably follows the verb, which must occur in either of these two 
forms. It can not be translated easily. In some instances the inform- 
ant rendered it by try to. 

qaqu'*nEm tcu listen now! 
li't/Emans tcu let us (inch dual) eat! 
qa'txEm tcu cry! 
a u 'sEm tcu try to sleep! 

tE7na x indicates a polite command addressed to any person. 
The informant rendered it by it is better to. . . . Although it 
usually followed verbs having imperative suffixes, I was able to ob- 
tain examples showing the use of this particle in conjunction with 
verbal expressions of a non-imperative character. 

qwa n nyux tEma Laaya'tc better pour it into his mouth! 29.2 

a u 'sEm tEma? (you had) better sleep! 

tEma wa'tux it is better (that) he should talk 

ak u ha f n is apparently a compound particle, whose component 
elements can no longer be analyzed. It has an emphatic character, 
implying that a certain command addressed to the second person must 
be obeyed. It is best rendered by must, necessarily. 

1%'tlEm ak u ha'n you must eat! 
L!%oa!nls dk u Jia'n you must tell him! 
l!%'1%8 aJc u ha f n you must hit him! 

§ 129 



598 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ ISO. Restrictive Particles 

ata's limits the action to only one object, and is to be rendered 
by only, merely. It usually follows the restricted object. 

lqa'qa l nx ata's your wind only (is sick) 86.16, 17 

pd'l'u ata's qatcu/' HxaHnE from (one) well only it is being- drunk 

(plural) 76.12 
sqa l lc wan ata's havja 1 ' only there now it ends 29.7 
s E as ata's Lfxu'yun he only knows it 44.8 

ha^tst has a restrictive function, and is best rendered by nothing 

BUT. 

Inqlaha^'ni ants xu'nha 1 ha ir tsl nothing but dentalia shells these 

(people) bet 78.14 
lia l 'ts%n Ted' tan yixa'yun nothing but horses I saw 

txu merely, only, just. It refers mostly to the verb, and may 
either precede or follow it. 

txu xyal'xi'sFin qa't&nt just a little ways he went 12.1 
txu 1%'tcH ll'nlnx just Cougar (will be) thy name 13.5 ? 6 
xa u w i ya i ' txu Mcatca'sWin he merely came out for a little while 64.8 
Wt/sm txu just eat! 40.26; 42.1 

ci'nhyatlya txu he was only continually thinking 42.2 
leumi'nte txu qlutcunya't hitc not for nothing a person gets a wife 
(literally, not just a woman has [gets a] person) 74.1 

§ 131. Miscellaneous Particles 

hu l , leumi'nte, no, not. These are two etymologically related 
stems that are used as particles of negation. The final tc in ~knmi'ntc 
is the adverbial suffix (see §§ 23, 94) 

leu 1 ci'l'xll he did not move 27.2, 3 

leu 1 ni'ctca nl'cteutnE nothing could be done to him 94.12, 13 

~ku l y(L'tsacL!a' ai not long then ... 7.7 

leumi'nte hi ir sa not good (it is) 12.2 

leumi'nte lit lay a' t ants led' tan not food had the horses 34.10 

When followed by the subjective pronouns (see § 24), leu 1 is con- 
tracted into lewi. This contraction is not based on any distinct phonetic 
law, but is the result of rapidity of speech. 

lewi'ya u x ya'xaH mi'ck'la 1 not he saw their (dual) vulvas 90.3 
lewlnx yd'tsa s E a'ts E yax not they long (did) thus 11.3, 4 
$$ 130-131 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 599 

In certain cases the negated verb takes, beside the negative particle, 
the distinct suffix of negation -%l (see § 53). 

has 1 , lia'ntk, yes, all right, are used as particles of affirmation. 

ha* yes, all right 21.8 

hafmk yes 

ha? Li'mqan tcl'ntux all right, I'll come back right away 56.21, 22 

ha® wa'nxan hatda' w un yes, now we (excl. ) shall ask her 74. 12 

na serves as a particle of interrogation, and refers to the sentence 
as a whole. Its phonetic similarity to the independent personal pro- 
noun for the first person singular (see § 24) is merely accidental. 

mctcl'tcin tExna wa'a l s I wonder what shall I say? 74.7 

plna i na is he sick? 

pahiva'wanx na are you going to play shinny? 

a™, he, have an exclamatory character, and may be called inter- 
jections. 

a®, nictci'tc pla a n na waha' what! is he sick again? 
lie, Jcumi'ntc Ja H sa nl'x a tc Hey! it (does) not (look) well on you 
13.5 

ka'tt, teatVxti, an emphatic particle. It never occurs alone, being 
always preceded by the negation leu 1 , 'kumVntc (see p. 598), and is 
then best rendered by not at all. 

Itumi'ntc Jcatl' xa u 'wll not at all he came out (from water) 64.7, 8 
Jen* Icati'xti Lfxma 1 ants ya £ lc u s he did not entirely kill that seal 

64.12, 13 
Tcu 1 Icatl'xti xa u 'wll not again he floated up 64.16, 17 

mintc, a temporal particle indicating time in general. It is ren- 
dered by when, sometimes. The finals is the adverbial suffix par 
excellence (see § 23). 

mintc L/aya' some time 

mintc lo £ l m'utux (I) wonder when he will arrive 

mi'nt&nx tca'xautyax when did you go home ? 

tsan, ants, kit 1 nats. These three particles are etymologically 
related. The last one is composed of the particle of negation leu 1 
not and of nats. The forms ants and nats resulted from the law of 
consonantic metathesis (see §13); ants is easily confused with the 
demonstrative pronoun of similar phonetic structure (see § 115). 

§ 131 



600 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

These particles serve to introduce conditional clauses, and are best ren- 
dered by if, since. Tcu { fiats is rendered by if not (see also § 136). 

tsa'ntci tu'lia si'n l xyun ... if you want to buy her . . . 74.8 
tsa'ntci si'^xyaxa^n, u ltci liatda'yun since you want her, (go and) 

ask her 74.10, 11 
ya a, xa l liltc tErn u wa if sqa l lc, ants ha i qa v ants haml'^tcl many people 

assembled there, when (if) those whales come ashore 82.21, 22 
. . . ants ikwa'myax ants inqfa'a 1 when (ice) closed up that river 

78.3 

Whenever the subordinate clause is introduced by the negative Jcu* 
nats, the co-ordinate sentence that follows must be preceded b}^ the 
particle nats. 

leu 1 nats xa'wa a xaHnE, H nats tsl'le/ya m%'~k!a L!a' ai if he had not 
been killed, it would have been a very bad country 29.7, 8 

leu 1 nats ili'uyax, Hn nats nakwa'yatltl ha 1 if he had not come, I 
should have been sorry 

ni'ctca, ni'ctca, nictx. These three forms are undoubtedly 
etymologically related. Their primary function can not be easily de- 
fined, owing to the fact that they are used for the purpose of ex- 
pressing grammatical concepts of a varying character. The most 
frequent uses made of these particles are those of an interrogative and 
indefinite pronoun. The function of an interrogative pronoun is 
chiefly confined to the form ni'ctca when followed by the demon- 
strative pronoun tE (see § 115), while it serves as an indefinite pronoun 
whenever it is preceded by the negative particle^, "kumi'ntc not. 
ni'ctca is frequently amplified by means of the modal suffix -Itc (see 
§ 94). 

ni'ctca 7c u tEcuqwa'an tE ha'lcwatlya what may (be the reason that) 

this roast here continually falls down? 90.12 
ni'ctcanx tanx ya a 'xa i qatx why do you (this one) cry (so) much ? 

94.16, 17 
ni'ctcan tEX nictca'wax I doubt whether (we) shall accomplish any- 
thing 60.9 
ni'ctcanl tEX xawa'un how can we kill him? 15.7 
. . . ni'ctca tE ta l . . . how this one was living 16.2 
TcU 1 ni'ctca nl'ctcutnE nothing could be done (to stop) him 94.12, 13 
Tcu 1 ni'ctca qa'tc w ll not able to get a drink 76.11 
leu 1 ni'ctca la'lewll lit lay a' she could not get food 96.16, 17 
nictcl'tc E tcitEtEm u wa'tam . . . why you have been gathered 30. 17 

§ 131 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 601 

kumi'ntc nictci'tc ci'nxil he thinks of nothing (else) 60.20, 21 
Tcwni'ntcHd nictci'tc ta'tci tEmu'uts not for nothing did I assem- 
ble you (here) 30.18, 19 

nlctx occurs in two instances only, and to all appearances has an 
interrogative significance. 

nl'ctxan k u a'ntsin mat /l' tE leu 1 tcl'nll what may (be the reason that) 

my elder brother here does not come back? 58.11, 12 
nlctx 7c u a'naxa 1 how (would it be if) he were given up ? 64. 26 

In a great many cases ni'ctca and ni'ctca are used as verbs with a 
significance that adapts itself to the sense of the sentence (see § 135). 
The particles are then verbalized by means of some of the verbal 
suffixes. 

Jcu* ni'ctca nl'ctcutnE nothing could he done (to stop) him 94.12, 13 
leu 1 ni'ctca tcaltcl'tc ni'ctcll not can anywhere {they) go 76.14 
. leumi'ntexun ni'ctcls not we two (excl.) will keep on going 56.2 
ni'ctcan tEX nictca'wax I doubt whether (we) are going to do (any- 
thing) 60.9 
nl'ctcafa u x si'nhyun to fight mutually they two want (it) 52.2 

In one instance the addition of a nominal suffix has transformed 
ni'ctca into a noun. 

kumi'ntc qwatc L/xu'x u n ni'ctcatc ants ni'ctclsi no one knows what 
happened to them (literally, how their arrival) 40.15, 16 

§ 132. The Suffixed Particle -u (a fi ) 
It indicates an action, transitive or intransitive, that is performed 
near the speaker, and may be added to stems other than verbal. It 
always stands in final position as a loose suffix. Since similar forma- 
tive elements expressing other locative categories were not found in 
Siuslaw, and in view of the fact that Alsea employs, besides this suffix, 
many other suffixes denoting location of action, I am inclined to believe 
that this element represents a formative element borrowed from Alsea. 
The Siuslaw render it by here, this way. A peculiar phonetic 
law seems to be intimately connected with this particle. When follow- 
ing the consonantic cluster nx, it causes the dropping of the x (see § 4). 
The interchange between u and a 0, has been discussed in § 2. 

&a"s = to follow 92.7 l^was^u 'tsana* you will overtake 

me 92.3 
qa u 'xun above 80.12 yu wi L!a'tx qa u xHnu' it broke on top 

94.4 

§ 132 



602 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

qoJidntux he will come qa' t&ntuxa™ natche will come to me 

xwl f L/Em come back! xtvlL/E?na a come back this way! 

Liu'unanx they come (trans.) mu'unana} 1 tcl'wanE they come 

out from the water 
xi'ntanx they travel 88.20 xi'ntana} 1 tVmwa they travel this 

way together 
ya'quyunanx thou art seen ya'quyunana™ thou art seen here 
qaUid'n from afar 56.8 qatha hana u mu f he came from afar 

sqa'tEm from there 34.3 sqa'tmanu ts%L!a'L!a u n I shoot at 

him from there 

§ 133. TJie Stem Tula' ** 
The original function of this stem is that of a noun denoting place, 
country, ground, world, and it occurs in this function in a great 
many instances. Its locative form is z/aya' or zlayu's (see § 86). 

ml'~k!a z/a' ai a bad world 29.8 

yak J 'isle' inu' z!aya' H tlyu' wi on a small place they were living 

38.19 
rrd'tcistun L/ayu'stc he made (them) fall to the ground 94.7, 8 

In most cases, however, it is used with a significance which, while 
intimately connected with its original meaning, seems to lend to it a 
peculiar function. Thus it is emplo} T ed in the formation of verbs 
expressing meteorological phenomena, and serves as the (impersonal) 
subject of such verbs. 

hi'rf'klya L!a! ai it rained 78.1 

lc/u x wina i ' Lla' ai ice (appeared) all over 76.11 

qa^xixyax tE L/a' ai it got dark 34.4 

na'qutyax z/a ,ai it got cold 76.10, 11 

hu u 'nyax L/a' ai it was dark (foggy) 34.8, 9 

~kum% r ntc wl'zll ants L f .a ,ai there was no low tide 34.22 

qlunEma 1 ' L!a' ai (when) winter begins 78.5 

From the Siuslaw point of view this application of z!a' ai is perfectly 
justifiable, because to his mind verbs expressing natural phenomena 
represent real actions performed by the universe as a personified sub- 
ject. Consequently he renders our neutral phrases it rains, etc., by 
the world rains, etc. , using the noun L. f a fai as the general subject of 
the action. 

As a further consequence of this general significance, L. f a' ai is used 
to denote plurality of subjects and objects, especially in cases where 
the verb is used in its singular form (see §§ 78, 79, 139). 

§ 133 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 603 

t/dmci'l'ma L!a! ai all the children 34.6, 7 

qlutcu'ni L/a' ai many women 82.14 

SExaP'tc qaafxam ants L. f a' ai tEq into the canoe were put many 

things 34.5 
niEtcl'tcHc xwd'Jca ants L/a' ai one-sided their heads (of) those 

(people) 70.5, 6 
ya a 'xa l xu'nha 1 Lfa' ai they bet a great deal 70.6 
klq/aha^'ni L!a' ai many dentalia shells 70.6 
tsi'k /ya nil'lc /a wa'nwits l /a' ai very bad (things existed) long ago 

14.7 
stlm L/a' ai ma'qfls there they keep on dancing 29.3 
waa'aHsmE ants L/a' ai kite he said to all his people 7.1 
pEku' u L!a' ai they play shinny 9.4 
Lfoxa'xaPtsmE Kite L!a' ai he sent all his people 30.1, 2 
~k!u x wl'nun L!a' ai he made ice all over 94.2, 3 
tdt'a'fun Lla' ai he caused the wind to blow all over 94.5 

This stem occurs also as a suffix. In such cases it is abbreviated 
into -l! (see § 77). 

§ 134. Nouns and Verbs as Qualifiers 

Siuslaw has no means of indicating by a grammatical device the 
sex of a given noun; that is to say, it does not exhibit grammatical 
gender. Hence, whenever it is desired to distinguish between the 
male and the female of a species, the nouns tExmu'ni man and 
qlutcu'ni woman are used as qualifying a given appellative term. 
The qualifying noun either precedes or follows the qualified term. 

qlutcu'ni Tcm'yos a female dog 
tExmu'ni Ico'ian a male horse, stallion 
tsi'sqan qlutcu'ni a female deer, doe 

la'lcukyax hltu'tc tExmu'nya she took a male person 60.23 
tExmu'nitc w ax ants t/amc Tc/ix they two had boys each (literally, 
male their [dual] those infants each [are]) 40.19 

Not infrequently verbs are used to qualify the actions implied 
by another verbal stem. The qualifier has then the function of a 
modal adverb, and its significance may best be compared to that of 
our adverbs ending in -ly. The position of the qualifier is freely 
movable. 

u Isloxu'x u xwlL/a'L/ so down(-wardly) he came back (literally, 
he slid down and came back) 12.6 

§ 134 



604 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



xawa if kite H Tcum/L'ntc ten/ ml xwI'l/%1 (when) a person dies, (he 
will) not come back (by way of) return(-ing) (literally, not 
he comes back [and] returns) 42.11 

m%ta'tc w ax ants tqulu' waa/ their (dual) father, that one, shout- 
ed, saying (literally, shouted [and] said) 52.8 

§ 135. Particles as Verbs 

The frequent use of particles as verbs constitutes a characteristic 
feature of Siuslaw that is chiefly due to the fact that the majority of 
stems are neutral, deriving their nominal or verbal significance from 
the nature of the suffix that is added to them (see § 22). Conse- 
quently any particle (or adverb) may serve as a verb when occurring 
with the proper verbalizing suffixes, mostly the pronominal and tem- 
poral elements. 



hafq shore (§ 119) 
s E a'tsa thus (§ 121) 
yaP'xa 1 many (§ 124) 
a/l'du likewise (§ 125) 



wa, wahct/ again (§ 126) 



1%'yax- a while (§ 126) 



m/ctca (§ 131) 



ha/'qiqyax it was (coming) ashore 

56.13 
ya/tsa s E a/ts E yax for a long time 

thus they (did) 11.3, 4 
stlmts ya'xtux there } 7 ou two will 

multiply 32.6 
al'twa'wanx also you (come) 16.4 
a'l'tutunx hutcu u 'stc also you will 

(have) fun 22.8 
Ha u x al'twa 1 ' hltv/stc they two 

again were among people 98.17, 

18 
Hwhnwaha'haPn qa/mskHc finally 

again (said to him) his younger 

brother 56.20, 21 
wa'^tunx 7YL u qwa/ LEmtc wa'as you 

will again (talk with) Crow's 

language 38.8, 9 
Ivyaxa/waxan a u sa/wax a little 

while I intend (doing it), (namely 

to) sleep 27.5, 6 
tci'nta u mctca 1 ' ants Kite whatever 

does a man 70.22 
Jcumi'ntcx'&n m/ctcls not we two 

(excl.) will keep on (going) 56.2 



§ 136. The Conditional Clause 

The rendering of the conditional clause in Siuslaw is accomplished 
in so many different ways, that it was thought best, for the sake of 
§§ 135-136 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 605 

conciseness, to devote a separate section to this subject. The usual, 
procedure is to introduce a conditional clause by means of the tem- 
poral adverb ats at that time, when (see § 120), or by means of 
either of these three related particles: tsan, 'ku 1 nats, ants (see § 131). 

ats tEq waxa'yExayim if something (will) be given to him 18.5 
tsa'ntci tvf ha s%'n l xyun if you (to) buy want her 74.8 
yaP'xa 1 hltc tEm u wa i ' sqa l Jc, ants ha i qa i ' ants haml n tcl many peo- 
ple assemble there, when those whales come ashore 82.21, 22 
leu* nats xafwa a xaHnE if he had not been killed 29.7 

There are, however, other ways of expressing a conditional clause 
that are resorted to more frequently than the process just mentioned. 
Of these, the use of the past tense as conveying conditionally is of an 
exceedingly frequent occurrence, and is due to the participial function 
that is assigned by the Siuslaw to that tense (see § 74). In such cases 
the conditional clause tends to precede the sentence expressing the 
co-ordinate thought, although instances of a reversed order are by no 
means rare. The verb of the co-ordinate clause takes usually (but not 
as a rule) the durative suffix (see § 69). 

tai'lc E nx ya' xyaxaP j n hitc, u l E nx L/iva'nlsun if somewhere you see a 

person, you will tell of it (literally, having seen . . . ) 38.12, 13 
wa f SL { syanx taqa ir na, H E nx tsl'lclya qa u 'xun wa'a l s if you get mad 

at anything, you very loud will always talk (literally, having 

become mad . . . ) 36.11, 12 
Ll'wayanx inq/a'ltc, H E nx qnuwl'wus whenever they came into a 

river, they would find (literally, having come . . . ) 66.21, 22 
Liuna u ' w ya u x,. H s E atsl'tc waa'yun when they two came together, 

then thus she said 46.7 
inqla'ltc Mtc ta l 'yax, H ya a 'xa l sinqf if in the ocean a man lives, 

(very) much he is hungry 44.12, 13 
tsl'lclya his atsl'tc wa a 'yax very good (it would have been) if thus 

he had said 42.13 

The conditional clause is also expressed by the use of the future 
tense. 

si'n l xyunE tslilna'tc xawa f a u , a u 'stuxax it was desired (that) with 
an arrow he (should) be killed, if he should (be a) sleep(er) 24.1 

tsVklya his t! a/ mains tal'ntux very good (would it be) if our chil- 
dren (dual incl.) should come back 42.6, 7 

hawa ir tux tE tsl r L.% H E ns tslhla'tHux when finished will (be) these 
arrows, then we two (incl.) will shoot 50.14 

sl n tunx, Hnx qnl'xHs xnl' w nlsun when (if) you will grow up, then 
you will doit 98.10 

§ 136 



606 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The conditional clause may also be expressed by the verb in its 
present tense. 

sV^xyanx lit/aya', Hnx natc Li'wis if you want food, then you will 

always come to me 44.6 
tE K qxawa 1 ' pi'Hsis, H s E as IHIa'yun ha v qyax if something dies in 

the ocean, he eats it (it) having come ashore 44.19, 20 
wiLa if L!a' ai u l ha if qmas tch'wa xi'ntmE when the water is low, 

alongside of the beach he travels 46.16 
tain hltsi'stc ants qwo'txa 1 , atsnftc waa'yutsmE ql'utc when he gets 

home, that Beaver, thus he says to his wife 48. 17 

§ 137. VOCABULARY 

All Siuslaw words may be divided into two distinct classes, those of 
a denominating character and neutral stems. To the former belong 
all nouns of relationship, terms denoting parts of the body, animal 
names, words expressing natural objects, etc. These nouns never con- 
sist of more than three syllables. By far the greater part of the 
vocabulary consists of neutral stems, whose nominal or verbal function 
depends solely upon the sense in which they are used in a sentence and 
upon the functional value of the suffix with which they occur (see § 22). 
These stems are mostly monos3^11abic, and consist of a vowel and con- 
sonant, of a consonant or consonantic cluster followed by a vowel, or 
(in most cases) of a consonant vowel and consonant. 

a u s- to sleep 24.1 aq- to take off 13.1 

anax- to give up 16.8 a l q- to leave 

aq- to go away 52.10 aHc r to trade 36.4 

%l!- to break 94.4 

TO- to speak 7.1 qaa- to enter 34.5 

ta { - to sit, to live 16.2 xau- to die 16.8 

si- to grow 98.10 Ik! a-. to open (one's mouth) 28.2 

mEqf- to dance 19.2 xintm- to travel 12.10 

xcll!- to do, to make 50.8 tqul- to shout 52.8 

yax- to see 20.10 cil'x- to shake 27.2 

winx- to be afraid 17.6 lIwclu- to tell 17.1 

qatc E n- to go 8.2 

As examples of bisyllabic stems, the following may be given: 

wastfs- to be angry 36.11, 12 tEmu- to assemble 7.3 
qaqun- to listen Jc/d f la u - to be tired 36.21 

sinxi- to desire 11.7 xil'xci- to work 48.10 

Tia!n E nU!- to believe 46.3 

§ 137 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 607 

Onomatopoetic expressions are exceedingly rare, being confined to 
three animal names and one verbal stem. 

mVtcmitc grouse (probably called so from its cry mit-mit) 

pupuhu'nik! owl 

qo'qoq swan (white) 

xun- to snore H wan xu u n now he snores 27.9 

A few terms appear in a reduplicated form (see § 109). 
•§ 138. STRUCTURE OF SENTENCES 
The absence of nominal incorporation and polysynthesis as gram- 
matical devices renders the Siuslaw sentence subject to easy analysis, 
and prevents the many complications that are met with in many other 
American languages. Each part of the sentence — such as subject, 
nominal object, predicate, and attribute — is expressed by means of a 
phonetically independent word. The successive order in which these 
parts of a sentence are arranged is arbitrary and exempt from any 
well-defined rules. The subject may be placed at the beginning or at 
the end of the sentence, usage favoring its occurrence at the very end, 
especially in cases where the sentence contains a nominal subject and 
object. 

lk/anv/Jc u Hmsq/at'tx licO-'amas iAya'wa Screech-Owl was continu- 
ally dancing alongside of the fire 86.2, 3 
lk!an u wa!lc u wi'nxcfin ants pEni's Screech-Owl fears that Skunk 

86.5 
tsl'~k!ya wi'nxa^n ants pEni's Hc/an u wa f Jc u very much is afraid of 

that Skunk, Screech-Owl 86.3 
pitca'ya u x Iqatuwlyu's ants qlutcufni they two go over logs, these 
women 88.15, 16 
Nominal objects may either precede or follow the subject of the 
sentence. 

hina' w u?i ants plna'st lk!an u wa f Tc u she intends to take along that 

sick man, Screech-Owl 88.1, 2 
waa'aPn squma' ants Iqlal'd'ma said Pelican to that' Sea-Gull 44.17 
Of a similar free position are those parts of the sentence that 
express adverbial ideas. They may precede or follow the verb. 

u la u x tch'watc Jicikwa'a 1 they two into the water will be thrown 

88.7, 8 
xa'lhit qa'xuntc Iqatuwlyvf stc he climbs up on a tree 12.4 
yak /isle' inu' L/aya' H tlyv! wi on a small place they live 38.19 
PTcwa'yunanx Jc u Itfl'a 1 sExa at you may get salmon in the boat 48. 18 

§ 138 



608 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Nominal and adverbial attributive complements may precede or fol- 
low the noun or verb, excepting the demonstrative pronouns ants, tE 
(see § 115), which are usually placed immediately before the noun. 
Owing to the fact that all adjectives are intransitive verbs, they seldom 
refer to the noun, and are freely movable. 

yaP-'xa 1 Kite plnaHx Ka l many- people were sorry 15.4 

yixa'yun Kite yd af xa i he saw many people 

vrifnxaFn tsl'lclya tEjpEnVs she was very much afraid ©f Skunk 86.1 

tsl'lc!ya u x xau' si' n l xyun very much they two wanted him to die 

86.19 
yuwa'yun yd a 'xa l ants qla'll they collected lots of that pitch 88.5, 6 
Lxa u yaxa u 'ni ants pEni's that other skunk 86.18, 19 
yikt ants hltsl' 1 big (is) that house 25.2 
Kl'tcHc nictcima £ mu tE t!l a person's fashion (has) this Bear 60.26 

The same freedom of order as is exhibited by the different parts of 
the sentence is found in the relative position of coordinate and subordi- 
nate sentences. Subordinate clauses are usually introduced by parti- 
cles, and they may precede or follow the principal clause. 

wa l tcl'wa ma a tc ants lqa in tu, H mUtca 1 ' although in the water lay 
those logs, still (they) burned 32.22 

ni'ctdni sqa l h Ll'watH, wa l yd'tsa because there he came fre- 
quently, even for a long time 68.4, 5 

yaP'xa 1 Kite, H tEm u wa ir sqa l k, ants ha i qa i ' ants Kaml n tcl many 
people assemble there, when those whales come ashore 82.21, 22 

tEq xawa 1 ' pl n tsis, H s E as IHIa'yun ha^qyax when something 
dies in the ocean, he eats it after it has come ashore 44.19, 20 

§ 139. IDIOMATIC EXPRESSIONS 

Here belongs in first place the manner of expressing comparison of 
adjectives. The comparative degree is expressed by using the objective 
form of the pronoun (or noun) for the compared object, which is in- 
variably placed at the end of the sentence. In some cases the idea of 
comparison is brought out more forcibly b}^ the adverb jpEll'tc ahead, 
first, following or preceding the object. 

s E a his natc he is better than I (am) 
na'lian hl'sa nl'xHc I am better than you (are) 
yikti'l'mdn s E a i 'naj?Ell / tc I am taller than he (is) 
yilct s E ajpEll'tc na'tc E nl he is taller than we (are) 
§ 139 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 609 

The superlative is expressed in the same manner, although the aug- 
mentative or diminutive suffixes (see §§ 83, 84) or the suffix -uni (see 
§ 102) are preferably used to indicate the superlative degree. 

l'na uwi s E a na'tc E nxan he is (the) richest of us all 

s E a yak!%'sk%n tExmu'ni he is the smallest man 

na'han yiktVl'ma I am the tallest 

s E a yiktu'ni that biggest one 

tu yak/aF'nb that smallest one 88.12 

A very important example of idiomatic phraseology is the (collo- 
quial) use of the singular number for the plural. It will be remem- 
bered that Siuslaw has only two suffixes expressing plurality, neither of 
which is used consistently (see §§ 79, 80). In many cases the adverb 
yd af xa i much, many (see § 121), the numeral particle ha ir mut all (see 
§ 124) or the stem L. r a ,ai place, world (see § 133), is employed for the 
purpose of denoting plural subjects and objects, and, while these stems 
are at times used in conjunction with one of the plural suffixes, they 
more frequently express plurality without the aid of these suffixes; 
that is to say, the verb is more often used in the singular form. 

ya a 'xa l L/a' ai kite yixa'yun he saw many people 70.2 
ya a 'xa l kite plnaHx ha 1 many people were sorry 15.4 
ha if mut . . . Vlcwat' all get it 82.6 

lat'qat skwaha l 'tx xwaki' ants Lla' ai feathers have on their heads 
those people 10.9 

Very often, however, the singular number has a plural function, 
even without the aid of any of these particles, as may be seen from the 
following examples: 

s E a'tsa IHIa 1 ' tE tat'yax thus eat those who lived here 82.12 

H tqa u 'wltc taya 1 ' they lived up stream 82.12, 13 

H tEm u wa ir sqa l Jc they assemble there 82.21, 22 

eh'nP'xtc ya'xcfi ants ya £ Jc u s three were the seals (literally, three his 

number, that seal) 62.16, 17 
xa'tslu Mtcllqa 1 ' two people dig 84.2 
si'rixyun Iq/a'nu they wanted (to buy) hides 100.15 
hiq/aha^ni ants xu'nha 1 ha if tsl nothing but dentalia shells these 

(people) bet 78.14 

Another peculiar idiomatic expression is found in the manner of 
expressing an act performed by two subjects, both of whom are men- 
tioned. This is usually done by adding the subjective pronoun for 

§ 139 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 39 



610 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the third person dual -a u x (see § 24) to one of the subjects, using the 
other in its absolutive form. The noun taking the pronominal suffix 
occurs invariably in its discriminative form (see § 111). It is not abso- 
lutely necessary that these two subjects should follow each other in 
immediate succession. 

s E a'tsatc mctc%ma s mu tE sqiima' wa'nwits lq!al'oa'?na u x thus' was 
long ago the custom of pelican and sea-gull (literally, thus his 
custom, [of] this pelican long ago, [of] sea-gull, [of] them two) 
48.4,5 

qwo'txa 1 ts%m%l'a'wa u x ta i beaver and muskrat lived 48.6 

s E atsl'tc w ax haTk! ma'q u L tE uma!ll w ax thus is told the story of 
Crow and Thunder (literally, thus their two, story, Crow [of] 
this [and] this Thunder [of them two] 38.18 

qiutci'l'ma ltEk°wa'ntc w ax ta l ti'mwa an old woman and her grand- 
child lived together (literally, old woman, her grandchild, they 
two, lived together) 96.15 

u la u x stlm qa'txast ants tExmu'ni qayu'tc E tc w ax they two there 
commenced to cry that man and his wife (literally, they two, 
there, commenced to cry, that man, his wife, they two) 58.17, 18 

Lxa^yaxa^'ni ants pEni's ts%'lc!ya u x xau' sVn l xyun ants plnast (he 
and) that other skunk very much they two wanted (that) that 
sick man (should) die 86.18, 19 

An idiomatic expression of irregular occurrence is the formation of 
the imperative mode of a verb that is preceded by the stem hau- to 
stop. Such a phrase consists of the imperative form of the verb to 
stop followed by the demonstrative pronoun s E % and of the past tense 
of the verbal stem that expresses the prohibited action. 

ha'um s E anx qd'txyax quit crying! (literally, stop, this one you- 
[who] has been crying) 

ha'um s E anx tsl'Lfyax stop shooting! 
ha'um s E anx qa'Lxyax stop counting! 

The verb expressing the prohibited action may sometimes occur 
without the suffix for the past tense. 

ha'umatd s E a'tc% waana'wa stop talking to one' another! 
ha'um s E anx c u xu'yun tE Jed' tan stop scaring these horses! 

As the last instance of idiomatic phraseology may be mentioned the 
use of the durative as a negative imperative, a use that has been fully 
discussed in §§ 40, 60, and 61. 

§ 139 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 611 

TEXTS 

The Death of Grizzly Bear 1 
Wa'nwits. 2 Tsi'klya 3 mi'kla wa'nwits 3 L!a' ai . 4 K!exu' 5 Llaya' 6 

Long ago. Very bad long ago world. Each on place on 

u l 7 sVt 8 L!a /ai . 4 SVtsa 3 hl'q!aq!yax 9 wa'nwits. 2 IVFya'kla 10 h^a'tc 11 

then such world. Thus it had started long ago. Bad person 

Ftla'yun. 12 Swal 13 Ftla'ytin 12 hitc L!a ,ai4 wa'nwits. 2 Hltc 

devoured him. Grizzly devoured people many long ago. Person 

p a a ir Ln 14 qatcW, 15 u l s E as 16 Llxmai'yus 17 u l lltll'yus. 18 

to hunt goes, then he would kill him and would devour 

him. 

Ya a 'xa i19 hitc plna^tx 20 ha 1 sVna. 21 u l tEmu'tx 22 hltcu' u . 23 

Many persons sorry their hearts for that. Then assemble (pi.) people. 

Sin E xyu' u24 xaLla'ultx. 25 Tsim 26 xawa'a u . 27 A'tsa 28 u l wan 29 

Desire (pi.) be fixed his Always killed That's why now 

(disposition). shall be. 

tEmu'tx 22 hitcu' wi . 30 u l waa^tx 31 rnatiyu' u32 tE 33 L!a' ai . 4 

assemble (pi.) people. Then say continually chiefs (of) this region. 

"Pla'ntxan 34 ha 1 tsi'klya. 3 M'ctcanl 35 tEx 36 xawa'un? 37 u l 

"Sorry our hearts very. How we doubt kill him? For 

1 See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthro- 
pology, Vol. IV, pp. 15 et seq. 

2 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 

3 Modal adverb (§ 121). 
* See § 133. 

5 k.'tx each, every (§§ 124, 2); -H local suffix of rest (§ 91). 

GL.'a'ai particle (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 

i Conjunction (§ 125). 

s Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 

9 hlq!- to start, to commence (§ 108); -yax past tense (§ 74). 

if Discriminative form of ml'kla (§ 111). 

» Discriminative form of hltc person (§ Ul). 

12 lit.'- to eat (§ 12); -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 

1 3 Discriminative form of swal grizzly bear (§ 111). 

m Transposed frompaiwa^ (§ 14); pam- to hunt; -ai verbalizing (§ 75). 

1 5 qatcn- to go, to start; -ai verbalizing (§§75, 136). 

18 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 

1 7 L.'xmai- to kill; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 9, 2); -us durative (§§ 69, 8). 

i 8 lit!- to eat; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -us durative (§§ 69, 8). 

is Modal adverb (§121). 

20 pin- to be sick; -aUx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§33), 

2i Demonstrative pronoun (§115). 

22 tEmu- to assemble; -to plural (§ 80). 

23 hltc person; -uu plural (§79). 

24 sinxl- to want, to desire; -uu plural (§§ 79, 8) 

25 xdLl- to make, to fix; -ultc passive (§ 39). 
28 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 

27 xau- to die; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8). 

28 Modal adverb (§ 121); a'tsa «2 for that reason (§ 125). 

29 Temporal particle (§126). 

30 hltc person; -uwi plural (§79). 

31 waa- to speak; -aUx frequentative (§§ 68, 9). 

32 maa'tl chief (§ 98); -uu plural (§§ 79, 8). 

33 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 

3i Abbreviated; for pla'ntxanxan; pin- to be sick (§ 112); -tx suffix indicating that object forms an 
inseparable part of the subject (§ 33); -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 
i 3 5 nl'ctca particle (§ 131); -nl inclusive plural (§ 24). 

38 Particle (§127). 

37 xau- to die (§112); -un direct object of third person (§28). 



612 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

kumi'ntc 38 xa'wil 39 tsiLU'tc. 40 A'tsan 41 u ln 42 kuml'ntc 88 

not he die not arrow through. Thus I so I not 

si'i^xyun 43 tsiLli'tc 40 Llxmaya'aV 44 u l wan 29 waa'tx 45 hitcti'V 3 

want it arrow with killed he shall be." Then finally say (pi.) people, 

k!mkya'a u4e ni'ctca 47 tE 33 ta 1 . 48 SVtsa 3 . tu na'a u . 49 u l wan 29 

it will be gone how this lives. Thus he will be Then now 

and seen invited. 

qa'ttfntx 50 k!inkW wi . 51 u l wan 29 LliLlwa'xam. 53 Liu'un. 53 

go (pi.) searchers. Then now he is approached. He got there. 

"Klaha'yu* nanx 54 al'twa'wanx 55 hutcu u 'stc 56 Llaya'tc." 57 Kumi'ntc 38 

"Invited art thou, also about thou fun to place to." Not 

a'mhatc 58 ha 1 . u l tca'xa u t 59 u l tcPn ants 60 hitc. u l s E atsI'tc 61 

willing his mind. So goes back and goes home that man. And thus 

L!wa a n. 62 "Kumi'ntc 38 a'uihatc 58 ha 1 ." S E atsI'tc 61 L!wa a n 62 ants 60 

relates. "Not willing his mind." Thus relates that 

hitc. Ya a 'xa i19 hutcu' u63 L!a' ai4 ants 60 tEmu ,uwi . 64 u l waa'xam 65 

man. Much fun they (of) that assembly. Then is told 

ants 60 s E a 66 qa't^ntux. 67 "Kumi'ntcinl 68 ana'xytin. 69 Ats 70 

that who go will. "Not we give it up will. When 

xa'utux, 71 u lnl 72 ana'xyun." 69 Atsl'tc 73 Lloni'txa^nE. 74 

he die will, then we give it up will." Thus it is repeatedly said. 

ss Particle of negation (§ 131). 
39 xau- to die; -11 negative (§§ 53, 8). 
«° tsl'L'i arrow (§ 98); -Itc adverbial (§§ 94, 9, 12). 
4i a'tsa thus (§ 121); -n 1st person singular (§24). 

« ul then (§ 125); -n 1st person singular (§24). a'tsan uln for that reason i (§ 125). Singular in- 
stead of plural (§ 139). Should have been a'tsanxan uimnxan. 

« sinxl- to desire (§ 4); -un direct object of third person (§§ 24, 28, 8). 

** L.'xmai- to kill; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8). 

«5 waa- to say; -tx plural (§ 80). 

< 6 k.'ink'i- to go and look; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8) . 

« Particle (§ 131). 

« t- (f) to live, to reside; -ai verbalizing (§75). 

« tu'n- to invite; -aau future passive (§56). 

60 qatcn- to start, to go (§4); -tx plural (§80). 

51 k.'ink'i- to go and look; -Vuwi nominal (§ 99). 

62 Liu- to come, to approach (§§ 107, 112) ; -xam present passive (§§55). 

53 Liu- to arrive, to come; -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 10). 

54 k.'a'- to invite; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 3); -u'nE passive (§§ 58, 8); -na2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

55 Contracted; for aVtwa'waxanx{% 9); a'ldu likewise (§§125,135); -awax intentional (§§ 70, 8); -nx 
2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

s« hutcu'u fun (§97); -us locative case (§§ 86, 9); -tc local (§90). 
s? L.'a'ai ground (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8); -tc local (§ 90). 

58 a'mha willing; -tc possessive 3d person singular (§88). 

59 tcaxu- to turn back; -t present (§§ 72, 2). 
eo Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 

« s E a'tsa thus (§ 121): -Itc modal (§§ 94, 9). 

62 L!5n- TO RELATE (§ 112*). 

63 hutc- to play; -«« nominal (■§ 97). 

64 tEmu- to assemble; -uwi nominal (§§ 97, 9). 

65 waa- to speak, to say; -xam present passive (§55). 

66 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 

CT qatcn- TO go (§ 4); -tux future (§ 73). 

68 kumi'ntc not (§ 131); -nl inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 

89 anx- to give up; -yun exhortative with direct object of third person (§§ 41, 112). 

to Temporal adverb (§ 120). 

7i xau- to die; -tux future (§ 73). 

72 ul then (§ 125); -nl inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 

73 a'tsa thus (§ 121): -Itc modal (§§ 94, 9). 

11 Lion- to tell, to say; -Itx frequentative (§ 68); -au'nE passive (§ 58). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 613 

u l wan 29 Lloxa'xam 75 waa'xam 65 ants 60 hitc. S u kwl'tc 76 tsinqlt 77 

Then finally is sent is told that man. Very poor 

ants 60 hitc Lloxa'xam. 75 "HP'sanx 78 Llwa'nisun. 79 Kwinx 80 nictci'tc 81 

that man who is sent. "Well thou shalt tell him. Not thou what-like 

Llwa'nisun 79 mi'kla'na. 82 Llwa'nisunanx 83 s E atsi'tc, 61 'Si'n E xyut- 

shalt tell him bad-ly. Shalt tell him thou thus, 'Desire 

sanxan 84 Ll'utux 85 tiu'ts. 86 Tsi'k lyanxan 87 si'n { xyun 43 hiitca'a 11 .' 88 

we-thee come shall here. Very we want it fun shall be 

(had).' 

Atsi'tc E nx 89 Llwa'nisun. 79 Kwinx 80 Llwa'nisun 79 ml'kla'na. 82 

Thus thou shalt tell him. Not thou shalt tell him bad-ly. 

Ya^xaJtc 90 ha 1 , tsl'klya 3 mi'kla." u l wan 29 qa't^nt 91 ants 60 

Much his mind, very bad." So finally starts that 

hitc. Winx tsl'klya. 3 a L!°wa'xan 92 ta'kin 93 lIO.'." u 1 wan 29 

man. He fears very. "Messenger I this I come." Then now 

wilwa 1 '. 94 "Mctcl'tcanx 95 wa a 'y axa a ts 96 ants 60 Ll'uyax?" 97 — 

he assents. "What-like thee told he-thee that (who) came ?"— 

"Kumi'ntc 38 nictci'tc 81 wa'a 1 !. 98 Txiin 99 l lona'yutnE 106 s E atsi'tc: ei 

"Not what-like he said. Just I am told thus: 

'klaha'yu nin.' 101 Atsi'tcin 102 Llona'yuts. 103 'Tsl'klyanx 104 siVxytin 43 

'invited am I.' Thus me he tells he-me. 'Very they want it 

™ l.'ox- to send; -xam present passive (§§ 55, 4) . 

« Modal adverb (§§121, 94). 

« tslnq.'- to be poor; -t nominal (§ 104). 

™ ftps good; -a modal (§96); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 

™ Lion- to tell (§ 112); -Is durative (§69); -un direct object of third person (§ 28). 

80 kui not (§ 131); -nx 2d person singular (§24). 

8i nl'ctca what (§131); -Uc modal (§§ 94, 9). 

82 rnl'k.'a bad (§ 96): -'na modal (§ 94). 

83/,/on- to tell (§ 112); -Is durative (§ 69); -un direct object of third person (§ 28); -nx 2d person 
singular (§§ 24, 4). 

8* sinxl- to desiee; -utsanxan direct object of first and second persons we-thee (§§ 29, 8, and 
Table, p. 473). 

85 Liu- to come; -tux future (§ 73). 

ss Local adverb (§ 119). 

87 tsl'k.'ya very (§ 121); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24). 

88 huic- to play, to have fun; -aau future passive (§ 56). 

89 atsi'tc thus (§§ 121, 94); -nx 2nd person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

96 yda'xai much (§ 121); -tc possessive 3rd person singular (§ 88). 
9i qatcn- to start (§4); -t present (§72). 

92 Contracted; for L.'o'waxaxan (§24); L.'ox- to send (§ 112); -ax nominal (§ 101); -n 1st person singular 
(§§ 24, 4). 

93 tmk this (§ 115); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

9i wllu- to affirm, to agree, to assent; -a* verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 

96 nl'ctca what (§ 131); -Uc modal (§§ 94, 9); -nx 2nd person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

96 waa- to say; -yax past (§ 74); -auts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29). 

97 Liu- to come; -yax past (§ 74). 

98 waa- to say; -ail negative (§§ 53, 9). 

99 txu just (§ 130); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). 

100 Lion- to tell; -a* verbalizing (§ 75); -utnE passive (§§ 58, 8). 

loi k.'a'- to invite; -a* verbalizing (§§ 75, 3); -u'nE passive (§§ 58, 8); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). 
102 atsi'tc thus (§§ 121, 94); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

i° 3 Hon- to tell; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -uts direct object of first person and second persons (§§ 29, 8, 
and Table, p. 480). 
loi tsl'k.'ya very (§ 121); -nx 3d person plural (§24). 



614 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Liwa'wax. 105 S E atsI'tcin 106 L!°wa'x 107 ta'kin 93 Liu'.' 

intend to come Thus I messenger this I come.' 
(thou). 

waa 1 '. 108 <TE'*qin 109 waxa u 'inE 110 ta/kin 93 

he says. "Something I be given this I (who) 

"Kuniin'ntc 38 nictci'tc 81 wa a 'a u tnE. 112 Txu 113 

"Not anything is said. Just 

L!a' ai . 4 SVtsa 3 tanx 115 si'n E xyutnE 116 Li'utux." 85 

many. Thus this thou art wanted 

Llwa'nis/ 18 'Si'nxit 119 taqa^na. 120 Ats 70 



S E atsi'tc 61 

Thus 



klaha'yunE?" 111 — 

am invited?"— 

wan 7 hQtcu' u114 

now have fun 

— "S E atsi'tc E nx 117 

come shall." — "Thus thou 

then 



tE'q 120 waxa'yExayim, 121 



shalt tell, 'He wants something. When something be given to him, 

wan 29 Li'titux.' 85 S E atsI'tc E nx 117 waa'yuts." 122 

finally he come will.' Thus thee tells he-thee." 

u l s E atsi'tc 61 waa' ants 60 a'l a q 123 hitc. a Txu 113 ya^'x^tc 90 

says that one man. "Just much his 

siVxya/ 24 ni'ctcim 125 s E as 16 k^xa'yun 126 tE 33 

because he kills these 

ha 1 ." Atsi'tc 73 waa' ants 60 hitc. 

much his mind." Thus says that man. 

^MEqleWaV 27 Huya'uftx 128 ha 1 . Tsi'klya 3 



Then thus 

ha 1 . S E atsI'tc 61 

mind. Thus 

hitc. A'tsa u l 28 

people. That's why 

"Atsi'tc 73 waa'xam, 65 

"Thus he is told, 



he desires, 

ya^x^tc 90 



'It will be danced 
for him. 



planya^tlytin 12 

sorry continually for 
him 

wa/xyaxa^mE, 1 

bo given to him, 



h^tc.' 130 

mind his.' 



S E atsi'tc 61 

Thus 



Changed his 
(will be) 



he says. 



mind. 

<Ats 70 

'When 



Very 

tE'q 120 

something 



u l Li'tittix." 85 S E atsi'tcin 106 wa a 'a u ts." 132 

then he come will.' Thus me tells he-me." 



101). 



> 05 Lifi- TO come; -awax intentional (§§ 70, 8). 

loe s E atsVte thus (§§ 121, 94); -wist person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

io? Contracted; for L.'owa'xax (§24); l.'ox- to send (§ 112); -ax nominal 

108 waa- TO say; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 9). 

109 tE'q pronominal particle (§ 123); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 
no wax- to give; -aumE passive (§38). 

in k.'a'- to invite (§ 3); -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -fi'nE passive (§§ 58, 8). 
"2 waa- to say; -a^tnE passive (§ 58). 
"3 Restrictive particle (§ 130). 
i" hutc- to have pun; -fiu plural (§79). 
ii6 taak this (§ 115); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 16). 
"6 sinxi- to desire; -fitnE passive (§§ 58, 8). 
i" s E atsi'tc thus (§§ 121, 94); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 
ns L.'on- to relate (§ 112); -is durative (§ 69). 
us sinxl- to desire; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -t present (§72). 
120 Pronominal particle (§ 123). 
i2i Mis-heard for wa'xyaxaimE; wax- to give; -yax past denoting conditionally 

passive (§38). 

i 22 waa- to say; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -fits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, 
p. 466, § 8). 

123 Numeral (§116). 

124 sinxi- to desire (§§ 112, 8). 

125 Particle (§128). 

120 ]cji z . TO disappear; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -fin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 
i 27 maq!- to dance; -in verbal (§§ 81, 2); -aau passive (§ 56). 

128 hfiya- to change; -filtx passive (§ 39). 

129 Contracted; for planyaiya'tty fin; pin- to be sorry (§ 112); -a* verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -at.'i frequen- 
tative (§ 68); -fin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 

130 ha)- mind, heart (§ 98); -tc possessive 3d person singular (§§ 88, 139). 

i3i wax- to give; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 135), -aumE passive (§ 38). 
«a waa- to say; -auts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29 and Table, p\ 480). 



74, 136); -aimE 



boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 615 

u l wan 2y qa'ttfnt 91 ants 60 hitc waha'. 133 "S E atsI'tc E nx 117 

Then now starts that man again. "Thus thou 

waVsun. 134 'Waxa'yimanx 135 qani'nal.' Atsi'tc E nx 89 Llona'yun. 138 

shalt tell him. 'Is given to thee knife.' Thus thou tell him. 

'Li'mqanx 137 qa'tx^ntux, 67 klaha'yu nanx. 54 Hutcu' wi114 L!a /ai4 

'Quick thou start shalt, invited art thou. Play many 

ya a 'xa*. 19 SrVxyu'nanx 138 Li'utux.' 85 Atsi'tc E nx 89 Llona'yun." 136 

much. Wanted art thou come shall.' Thus thou tell him." 

CrVxyatlya 139 ants 60 hitc Lloxa'aV 40 "Qna'han 141 waa'yun. 142 

Thinks continually that man (who) sent will be. "I say to him. 

Llxu'yun 143 qna'han 141 nictcl'tc 81 waa'yun, 142 u i hl'nak! i144 

Know it I what-like say to him, and right away 

qa'tc E ntiix." 67 u l wan 29 qa'tc E nt 91 ants 60 hitc. "Qna'han 141 

he start will." Then now goes that man. "I 

waa'yun, 142 u l hi'nak! 1144 qa'tc E ntux." 67 

say to him, and right away he start will." 

Atsl'tc 73 ctVxyatlva 139 ants 60 hitc. u l xint u l Liu'. Liu'un. 53 

Thus thinks continually that man. So he goes and arrives. He comes to him. 

"L!°wa'xan 92 ta'kin 93 Liu'. Tsi'klyanx 145 si'n ! xyunE 146 Llwa'wax. 105 

" Messenger I this I come. Very thou art wanted intend to come. 

Ku 1 ya'tsac L!a' a1147 u l smu't' E tux 148 ants 60 L!a' ai4 hutcu' u . 63 

Pretty soon then end will that big fun. 

Atsl'tcin 102 . waa'yutnE. 149 Na'm E lInx 15 ° tE'q. 120 Nictcl'tcanx 95 

Thus I am told. Mine thou relative. What manner thou 

tanx 115 ku i151 a'mha^I 152 ha 1 ?" Atsl'tc 73 waa'a*n. 153 "Ya a '- 

this thou not willing (thy) mind?" Thus he says to him. "Much 

xa^txan 154 ha xi . SVtsan 155 tE 33 kumi'ntc 38 a'mhaHl 152 ha 1 . Txun 99 

(think in my) mind. Thus I this not willing (my) mind. Just I 

183 Temporal particle (§ 126). 

134 waa- to say; -a?s durative (§§ 69, 9); -un direct object of third person (§ 28). 

135 wax- to give; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -irnE passive (§§ 38, 8); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 

136 Lion- to relate; -ai verbalizing (§76); -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 

137 Li'mqa right away (§§ 120, 96); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 

1 38 sinxi- to desire; -u'nE passive (§§ 58, 8); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 

139 cinxl- to think (§ 4); -at!i frequentative (§§ 68, 8, 7). 
14 " l.'ox- to send; -aau future passive (§ 56). 

141 q- discriminative (§ 21); na'han personal pronoun 1st singular (§ 113). 

142 waa- to say; -ai verbalizing (§75); -un direct object of third person (§§28, 8). 

H3 h ixv,- to know; -ui verbalizing (§§ 76, 9); -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 

i« Temporal adverb (§ 120). 

145 tsl'k.'ya very (§§ 121, 96); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 

i*8 sinxi- to desire (§4); -u'nE passive (§§ 58, 8). 

i« Temporal adverb (§ 120). 

"8 smut'- to end, to finish; -tux future (§§ 73, 4). 

"9 waa- to say; -ai verbalizing (§ 75): -utnE passive (§§ 58, 8). 

160 Contracted.; for na'mHin E nx (§ 15); na I (§ 113);-Eml relative (§§ 87, 9); -in possessive 1st singular 
(§88); -nx 2d person singular (§§24, 4). 

i5i Particle of negation (§ 131). 

Ma'mha willing; -aUi possessive (§§ 88, 9). 

1 53 waa- to say; -aun direct object of third person (§28). 

lMyda'xai much (§ 121); -tx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject 
(§ 33), -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

i 5B s E a'tsa thus (§ 121); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). 



616 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

k u na 156 xa'wa 157 siVxyutnE. 116 SVtsan 155 u m 158 ya'xa^I 159 ha 1 ."— 

perhaps to die am wanted. Thus I and I much (think mind."— 

in my) 

"Kumi'ntc 38 s E atsI'tc, 61 txunx 160 ya'xa 161 siVxyutnE. 116 SVtsanx 162 

"Not thus, just thou to see art wanted. Thus thou 

tE 33 klaha'yu'nE. 111 Txunx 160 wan 29 hP'sa 163 hawa'yimE 164 ha 1 . 

this art invited. Just thee now well (towards) it is made mind. 

TE'Vnx 165 waxa u 'niE. 110 SVtsanx 162 tE 33 klaha'yu nE. 111 Na'm E - 

Something thee it is given. Thus thou this art invited. Mine 

linx 150 tE*q/ 20 sVtsanx 162 tanx 115 ^kwa'yuts 166 qna. 167 S E atsI'- 

thou relative, thus thee this thee fetch I-thee I. Thus 

tcin 106 ta'kin 93 Li'mqa 168 iiu'. Qanl'nai waxa u 'manx. 169 SV- 

I this I quickly come. Knife is given to thee. Thus 

tsanx 162 tanx 115 klaha'yu nE, 111 sVtsa 3 ta'kin 93 Liu', ni'ctci- 

thou this thou art invited, thus this I come, because 

m E nx 170 na'm E l 171 tEq. 120 SVtsanx 162 tE 33 Llu'uts 172 qna. 166 

thou me of relative. Thus thee this come I-thee I. 

Si'rtxyutsanx 173 qna 166 hutca'wax. 174 SVtsanx 162 tE 33 Lli'Llututs. 175 

Want I-thee I intend to play. Thus thou this approach I-thee. 

SVsi'tcin 176 ha 1 : kumi'ntc 38 k u na 156 tE'q 120 ml'klana 82 

Thus my mind, not perhaps something badly 

nix a tc. 177 A'tsan 41 tE 33 na 178 Lloxa'xam." 75 — u Ha a ! 179 Tsi'ldyanx 145 

thee to. Thus I this I am sent." — "Yes! Very thou 

mi'kla. Llxma'yanxin 180 siVxyuts. 181 SVtsan 155 ku 1151 a'mha'Hi 152 

bad. Kill they me want he-me. Thus I not willing (my) 

ha 1 ." — "Kumi'ntc 38 k u na 156 s E atsi'tc. 61 SVtsan 155 ta'kin 93 na 178 

mind." — "Not perhaps thus. Thus I this I I 

156 Dubitative particle (§ 127). 

157 xau- to die (§112). 

158 ul then (§ 125); -n 1st person singular (§ 24); s E a'tsa ul that's why. 
169 yaa'xai much (§ 121); -altl possessive (§§ 88, 9). 

i 60 txu just (§ 130); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 
i« yax- to see (§ 112). 

i 62 s E a'tsa thus (§ 121); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 
i« 3 hlia good; -a modal (§96), 

I" hau- to make, to finish; -a* verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -ImE passive (§§ 38, 8). 
165 tE'q something (§ 123); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

i6« ZaM- to take, to fetch (§ 12); -ai verbalizing (§§75, 8); -uts direct object of first and second 
persons (§ 29, Table, p. 480 and § 8). 
16? q- discriminative (§ 21); nh personal pronoun 1st singular (§ 113). 
lea Modal adverb (§§ 121, 96). 

169 wax- to give; -aumE passive (§ 38); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 
wo nl'ctclm because (§ 128); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 
"i na personal pronoun 1st singular (§ 113); -Eml relative (§§ 87, 9). 

1 72 Liu- to come; -uts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, p 480, § 10). 

1 73 sinxi- to desire; -utsanx direct object of first and second persons I-thee (§ 29, Table, p. 473, § 8). 
"« hutc- to play; -awax intentional (§70). 

i 75 Liu- to approach (§ 107); -t present (§ 72); -uts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29 and 
Table, p. 480). 
i 76 s E atsl'tc thus (§§ 121, 94); -In possessive 1st singular (§ 88). 
1 77 Objective form of personal pronoun 2d singular (§ 113). 
"8 Personal pronoun 1st singular (§ 113). 
iw Particle of affirmation (§ 131). 

180 L.'xml- to kill; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -nx 3d person plural (§ 24); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 
i8i sinxl- to desire; -uts direct object of first and second persons (§§ 29, 8, Table, p. 480). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 617 

Lloxa'xam. 75 S E atsI'tc 61 nats, 182 ku i151 nats 182 na 178 Llo'xyaxa^nE. 183 

am sent. Thus if not, not conditional I had been sent. 

Qa'tc^ntunx 184 wan?" 29 — ^Qa'tc^tuxan. 185 HP'sanx 78 ma'nlsuts 188 

Start wilt thou now?" — "Go will I. Well thou shalt watch 

thou-me 

qni'xHs." 187 S E atgftc 61 waaVn. 153 "Ha u ! 179 Atsi'tcin 188 ha 1 . 

thou." Thus he tells him. "All right! Thus my mind. 

Kumi'ntc 38 k u na 156 tEq 120 mi'kla'na 82 tE 33 hutcu' u63 L!a' ai ." 4 — 

Not perhaps something bad-ly this fun big." — 

"Ha*, 179 qa'ttfntuxan 185 wan. 29 Kumi'ntc 38 wan 29 tEq, 120 xati'- 

"Yes, start will I now. Not now something, die 

tuxan.' 1189 S E atsi'tc 61 waa 1 ' 108 u l hi'qia" 1 !. 190 "Kumi'ntc 38 k u na 158 

if will I." Thus he says and starts. "Not perhaps 

wan 29 s E atsI'tc. 61 Qa't^ntunx?" 184 Atsl'tc 73 waa'a a n. 153 "Tsl'k!- 

now thus. Go wilt thou?" Thus he tells him. "Very 

yanx 145 qna 166 slVxytits. 181 ATttitunx 191 hutcu u 'stc. " 56 Atsl'tc 73 

thee I like I-thee. Also shalt thou fun to." Thus 

waa'un. 192 " Qa't^ntuxan 185 wan." 29 u l wan 29 qa'ttfnt. 91 CiVx- 

he tells him. "Go will I now." Then finally he starts. Keeps 

yatlis 193 ants 60 hitc la'k u t!wi. 194 S E atsI'tc 61 . clVxyatlls. 193 

on thinking that man fetcher. Thus he thinks continually. 

Qa't^nta^ 195 wan. 29 Llwi'tc^ax 198 wan 29 xint. u la u x 197 s E ats!tc 61 

Go they two now. "Approach, man- now go. So they two thus 

ner of, they two 

waa'xam. 65 " Xumca'ca u x 198 wan. 29 Hina'ytln 199 wan 29 tE 33 ml'kla 

are told. "Come they two now. He brings him now this bad 

hitc" Tc!ha u cya'xam 200 wan. 29 Wan^tc^n. TlEmtlma'xam 201 wan. 29 

man." Gladness was felt now. Finally he He is assembled about now. 

returns. 

"Tsl'k!yanx 145 his tanx 115 Liu', ts'il'nm't. Hu'tctunl 202 * ya a 'xa." 203 

"Very thou good this thou comest, friend. Play will we much." 

182 Particle (§ 131). 

183 i!ox- to send; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -a^nE passive (§ 58). 

is* Contracted; for qa'tc E ntuxanx (§ 24); qatcn- to go (§ 4); -tux future (§ 73); -nx 2d person singular 
(§§ 24, 4). 

185 qatcn- to go (§ 4); -tux future (§ 73); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

i 86 man- to watch; -Is durative (§ 69); -uts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29,Table, p. 480). 

i» 7 q- discriminative (§ 21); nixats personal pronoun 2d singular (§ 113). 

188 atsi'tc thus (§§121, 94); -in possessive 1st singular (§88). 

i R9 xau- to die; -tux future denoting conditionality (§§ 73, 136); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

190 hlq!- to start, to commence; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -t present (§72). 

i9i Contracted; for a'ltutuxanx (§ 24); a'ldu likewise (§§ 125, 135); -tux future (§78); -nx 2d person 
singular (§§ 24, 4)." 

192 ivaa- to say; -tin direct object of third person (§28). 

193 cinxl- to think (§ 4); -at.'l frequentative (§§ 68, 8); -is durative (§§ 69, 9). 

194 laku- to take, to fetch; -t.'wl nominal (§ 100). 

195 qatcn- to go (§ 4); -t present (§ 72); -aux 3d person dual (§ 24). 

196 lIu- to approach; -Itc modal (§§ 94, 8); -wax transposed for -aux 3d dual (§§ 24, 13) 

197 ul then (§ 125); -aux 3d dual (§24). 

198 xumc- to approach, to come (§ 108); -aux 3d dual (§ 24). 

199 hln- to take along; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -un direct object of third person (S§ 28, 8). 

zoo Abbreviated; for tdhaucyaxxam (§15); tc.'hacu- to feel glad (§ 12); -yax past (§ 74); -xam present 
passive (§§55, 15). 

201 tEmu- to assemble (§ 107) ; -xam present passive (§55). 

202 Contracted from hu'tctuxanl (§24); MZc-toplay; -tux future (§73); -nj inclusive plural (§§24,4). 
203 ydax- much; -a modal (§96). 



618 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Atsl'tc 73 waa' ants 60 hitc. TEmu'tx 22 hltcu' u23 ants 60 L!a /ai . 4 Wa i2M 

Thus says that man. Assemble (pi.) people those many. Although 

ya a 'xa i19 ants 60 hitc, u t ha^mut 205 qa'Wnt 91 sq^ktcl'tc, 206 ants 60 L!a /ai . 4 

many those people, still all go now there to, manner, that crowd. 

La'nlsutnE 207 ants 60 hitc. " Tsl'klya 3 his tanx 115 Liu'. Ya a 'xanxan 208 

Is called con- that man. "Very good this thou comest. Much we 

tinually 

hiltcu 1 '. 209 Hu'tctuns." 210 — "Ha*!" 179 S E atsI'tc 61 waa' ants 60 hitc. 

have fun. Play will we two." — "All right!" Thus says that man. 

" Ya'q u hittinx, 211 kwlnx 80 a u 'sis. 212 Ya a 'xanxan 208 hutcu 1 '. " 209 Atsl'tc 73 

" Look shalt thou, not thou shalt sleep. Much we play." Thus is 

waa^stf nE 213 ants 60 hitc. Wa'nwits 2 ha'wa. 214 SrVxyu'nE 146 

repeatedly told that man. Long ago it is ready. It is desired 

ts lilna'tc 215 xawa'a u , 27 a u, stuxax. 216 Atsl'tc 73 ha'iIsImE. 217 ' ' Ts'il -mu't, 

pitch with killed he shall when sleeper he Thus it is agreed. "Friend, 

be, will be. 

kwlnx 80 a u 'sls. 212 Hu'tctuns." 210 Atsl'tc 73 wa'a^u'nE. 213 " SVtsanx 162 

not thou sleep con- Play will we two." Thus he is repeatedly told. " Thus thou 

tinually. 

tanx 115 klaha'yutnE." 218 S E atsI'tc 61 waa^sutnE. 219 " Ya a 'xa 119 L!a' ai4 

this thou art invited." Thus he is told continu- "Many they 

ally. 

nictcanWnat'u'™ 220 ants 60 tlyu' wi 221 hutcu' wi . 222 K!lx 223 tE<q 120 hutca 1 ' 224 

different (of) inhabitants games. Each some- fun 

those thing 

u l E nx 225 yixa'yun. 226 SVtsanx 162 tanx 115 klaha'yu nE. 111 Tsl'kly- 

and thou seest it. Thus thou this thou art invited. Very 

anxan 87 hl'sltl 227 ha 1 . Kumi'ntc 38 tE'q 120 ml'kla na." 82 Atsl'tc 73 

we good is (our) heart. Not something badly." Thus 

wa'alsunE. 213 Tci'nta u228 hitc Llwa 1 ', 229 u l atsl'tc 73 waa'yusnE. 230 

he is repeatedly told. Whatever person comes, so thus he frequently was 

told (by him). 

2M particle (§128). 
205 Numeral particle (§ 124). 

206 sqaik there (§ 119); -tc local of motion (§ 90); -Itc modal (§ 94). 
207fri- to call by name; -IsutnE durative passive (§ 59). 
208 2/da£- much; -a modal (§96); -nxan exclusive plural (§24). 
209 hfdc- to play, to have fun; -tii verbalizing (§ 75). 

210 Contracted; for hu'tctuxans (§ 24) ; hutc- to play; -ttix future (§ 73); -ns inclusive dual (§§ 24, 4). 
2ii Contracted; iovya'quhltuxanx (§ 24);yaqW- to look (§3); -ai verbalizing (§§75, 2); -tux future 
(§ 73); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 
212 aus- to sleep (§12); -is durative (§69). 
2i3 waa- to say; -cfisu'nE durative passive (§§ 69, 9). 

21 *to'ft- TO MAKE, TO HAVE BEADY (§ 112). 

wts.'aln pitch; -a locative case (§§ 86, 12); -tc adverbial (§ 90). 

2i6 a us- to sleep (§12); -tux future denoting conditionality (§§ 73, 136); -ax nominal (§ 101). 

2" hau yes (§ 131); -us durative (§§ 69, 9); -wie passive (§ 38). 

2i8 ft/a'- to invite; (§ 3); -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -titnE passive (§§ 58, 8). 

2i9waa- to speak; -alsutnE durative passive (§§ 59, 9). 

^nictcamai'naf- different; -uwi plural (§79). 

™tai- to live (§ 2); -uwi nominal (§§ 97, 8). 

222 hutc- to play, to have fun; -tiwi nominal (§ 97). 

223 Numeral particle (§ 124). 

™htitc- to have fun; -ai nominal (§98). 

mul then (§ 125); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

™yax- to see (§ 12); -ai verbalizing (§ 75) ; -tin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 

227 Ms good; -Ul possessive (§88). 

228pronominal particle (§ 123). 

229 Llti- to come; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 

230 waa- to say; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -tisns durative passive (§§ 59, 8). 






boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 619 

"Tsi'klya 3 his tanx 115 Liu', ts'iTmti't. Wa i204 ya'tsa 231 ants 60 

1 ' Very good this thou corne, friend. Although long time that 

L!a /ai , 4 u t xni' w nis. 232 Ya'q u hitunx." 211 u l s E atsi'tc 61 wa'a _1 su nE. 213 

crowd, still does continually. Look shalt thou. " Then thus he is told repeatedly. 

"SVtsanxan 233 klaha'yuts. 234 Ya a 'xa i19 hutcu' wi " 63 Wan 29 hina'a u235 

"Thus we invite we-thee. Much fun." Finally he taken 

will be 

tclk 236 ants 60 htitcu' u63 L!a' ai . 4 Sqa ! k 237 hina'aV 35 Ma'ltcunE 238 

where that fun great. There he taken Fire is made (In) 

will be. 

ants 60 hitsi'*. 239 Wa i204 yikt 240 ants 60 * hitsi' 1 , 239 u l ta'qnis 

that house. Although big that house, still full 

hitu'stc. 241 Stim 242 ya'q u ha ! t 243 ants 60 hitc. " Tl'k E nxan 244 

people with. There looks that man. "Here we 

ta'nxan 245 hutou 1 ', 209 ta'nxan 245 klaha'yuts 234 qna." 167 Ha^qmas 246 

these we play, these we invite we-thee I." Alongside 

tl'xam 247 Liya'watc. 248 QIa'il ants 60 Liya'aV 49 u Yaxa u 'witc 250 

he is seated fire at. Pitch that fire. "Multitude kind of 

L!a' ai4 hitc yaVha^un." 251 Atsi'tc 73 ci'^xyatSls 193 ants 60 hitc. 

many people look at now I." Thus keeps on thinking that man. 

Ma'ltcunE 238 ants 60 hitsi' 1 . 239 "Kwinx 80 a u, sis 212 tsfl'mu't. Atsi'tc 73 

Fire is built (in) that house. "Not thou always sleep, friend. Thus 

ta'nxan 245 waa'yuts 122 qna 167 Liwa'wanx. " 252 ~ "Ha fl ! 179 tsi'klyan 253 

these we tell we-thee I intend to come thou.''— " All right! very I 

hi'siti 227 ha 1 . Yaq u 'ya'waxan 254 hutcu u 'stc 56 Llaya'." 255 Atsi'tc 73 wa'a T s 256 

good (my) mind. Intend to look I fun at great at." Thus says continually 

ants 60 hitc. Ha^qmas 246 ti'xam 247 Liya'wa. 257 Ya'q u hisu r nE. 258 

that man. Close by he is seated fire. He is continually watched. 

23i Temporal adverb (§120). 

232 xnlwn- to do; -is durative (§ 69). 

233 s E a'tsa- thus (§§ 121, 96); -nxan exclusive plural (§24). 

234 k.'a'- to invite (§ 3); -ai verbalizing (§75); -uts direct object of first and second persons (§29, 
Table, p.4S0, § 8). 

235 hln- to take along; -aau future passive (§56). 

236 Particle (§131). 

23? Local adverb (§ 119). 

233 malte- to burn: -u'ue passive (§58). 

239 See § 98. 

210 See § 104. 

2« hitu's locative form of hitc (§86); -tc adverbial (§90). 

2« Local adverb (§119). 

2« yaqu'- to look (§ 3); -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -t present (§ 72). 

2 « tlk here (§ 119); -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24,4). 

w>tdak this (§ 115); -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 16). 

2« Local adverb (§119). 

247 tai to sit (§2); -xam present passive (§55). 

248 Llya'au fire (§ 97); -a locative case (§§ 86,8); -tc local (§ 90). 

249 See § 97. 

250 yax- many; -auwi nominal (§ 97); -Itc modal (§§ 94, 9). 

25i3/agu'-TOLOOK; (§3); -ai verbalizing (§75); -t present (§72); -imdirect obj ect of third person (§ 28)- 
252 Contracted from Liwa'waxanx (§24); Liu- to come; -awax intentional (§§ 70, 8); -nx 2d person 
singular (§§24, 4). 

263 tsl'klya very (§ 121) ; -n 1st person singular (§24). 

264 yaqu'- to look (§ 3); -awax intentional (§§ 70, 8); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 
. K5 L / a 'ot particle (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 

266 waa- to say; -dis durative (§§ 69, 9). 

267 Llya'au fire (§97); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 

268 yaqu 1 - to look (§ 3); -isu'nE durative passive (§§ 59, 9). 



620 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

WusyaVst 259 ants 60 nii'kla hltc. LllLlwi'sutnE 260 wan. 29 "Kwinx 80 

Begins to feel that bad man. He is continually now. "Not thou 

sleepy approached 

a u 'sls, 212 ya'q u his E nx. 261 A'tsanxan 262 ta'nxan 245 waa'yuts 122 

always sleep, always look thou. Thus we these we tell we-thee 

Uwa'wanx. 252 Kwlnx 80 a u 'sls, 212 ya / q u his E nx. 261 Atsl'tc 73 

intend to come thou. Not thou sleep always, watch always thou. Thus 

tanx 115 klaha'yunE. 111 HWnxan 263 hawa^tx 264 ha 1 . " WusyaVst 259 

this thou art invited. Good we make our heart." Begins to feel sleepy 

ants 60 mi'ck'la" 1 . 265 Ya'q u hlsu nE. 258 Ha'usmiE 266 ants 60 tslaln. 

that bad man. He is constantly watched. Is made ready for him that pitch. 

S E aWtc 267 xawa'a u . 27 Ll'wis u 'nE 268 ants 60 mEq!yu' u269 x!a' ai . 4 

That with killed he will be. He is constantly those . dancers many. 

approached by 

"Ha^qa^tcya, 270 ts'il'mu't, miltci'xmlnx. 5 ' 271 Atsi'tc 73 waVsunE. 213 

"Shore-like from, friend, thou mayest get burned." Thus he is constantly told. 

"Kwlnx 80 a u 'sls 212 ts'il'mu't."— " WusyaVstin." 272 MEq!yii' u269 

"Not thou always sleep friend." — "Begin to feel sleepy I." Dance (pi.) 

L!a' aI . 4 A u si's. 273 "Ha^qa'^cya^^miltcfxmlnx." 271 Tc!ha u 'cIsutnE. 274 

many. He sleeps. " Shore-like from, mayest get burned Gladness is constantly 

thou." felt. 

SVtsa 3 xawa'aV 7 WusyaVst 259 wan. 29 Atsi'tc 73 wa'a^utnE, 219 

Thus killed he will be. He begins to sleep finally, Thus he is constantly told, 

ciTxisutnE. 275 "HaJ'qa'tcya, 270 miltci'xmlnx." 271 Ku i151 ci'l'xil 276 

he is shaken con- "Shore-like from, mayest get burned Not he moves not. 

stantly. thou." 

u lwan 29 qaa'xam 277 ants 60 i^yaxa*'™ 278 tslaln. MEq!yu /u269 

So finally is brought in that boiled pitch. Dance (pi.) 

L!a ,ai . 4 "Ha^tcya 270 ts'fl-niu't." Ku i151 kwl'sll, 279 tsl'klya 3 

many. " Shore-like from friend." Not wakes up not, very 

a u si's. 273 Atsi'tc 73 waa'. "A'nxa u tsatci. 280 Liyaxa'waxan 281 a u sa' wax. " 282 

he sleeps. Thus he says. " Leave alone you-me. A while intend I sleep intend." 

™wusi- to feel sleepy; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -st inchoative (§ 66). 

i60 Lw- to approach (§ 107); -IsutnE durative passive (§§ 69, 8). 

ieiyaqu' -to look (§3); -is durative (§69); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

ie *a'tsa thus (§ 121); -nxan exclusive plural (§24). 

263 hiis good; -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 

264 hau- to make; -aMx suffix indicating that objectformsan inseparable part of the subject (§§33,8). 

265 See § 98. 

™ha'us ready, done; -ImE passive (§ 38). 

2&s E ai'na he, that one (§ 116); -tc adverbial (§90). 

s68 lw- to approach; -tsu'nE durative passive (§§ 69, 8). 

wmaq.'i- to dance; -uu nominal (§§ 97, 8). 

™haiq shore (§ 119); -attc modal (§ 94); -ya local (§ 93). 

in maltc- to born (§12); -Ixmi intransitive exhortative (§ 63); -I future passive (§§56,9); -nx 2d 
person singular (§24). 

z>2 W usi-TO feel sleepy; -at verbalizing (§75); -si inchoative (§66); -wist person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

2«as«- to sleep (§§ 12, 108). 

i7i tc!hacu- to be glad (§ 12); -IsutnE durative passive (§ 59). 

™c'd'x- to shake, to move; -ZsutnE durative passive (§59). 

wcllx-TO move, to shake; -iJ negative (§53). 

Wqaa- to enter; -xam present passive (§ 55). 

wl'Ixu- to boil (§§ 112, 7); -autoi nominal (§§ 97, 9). 

™kwis- to wake up; -ll negative (§53). 

280 anx- to let alone; -autsatci direct object of first and second persons You-Me (§29, Table, p. 473, and 
§§24,4). 

28i llyax- a while (§§ 126, 135); -aivax intentional (§70); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 

282 as u- to sleep (§12); -awax intentional (§70). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 621 

u l wan 29 ci'^xyaxam 283 s E atsi'tc: 61 "Qa 1 ! 284 wan 29 a u 'stux." 285 

Then now it was thought thus: "Let now he sleep shall." 

La'qwis 286 ants 00 tslaln L! ! yaxa u ' wi . 278 Atsl'tc 73 waa'xam, 65 "Qa 1 ! 284 

Boils con- that pitch boiled. Thus it is said, "Let 

tinually 

wan 29 a u 'stux. 285 Ha^q^tcya, 270 ts'il-mu't." Ku 1151 ciTxiL 276 u l 

now he sleep shall. Shore, manner, from, friend." Not he moves not. Then 

wan 29 xu u n. 

now he snores. 

Ha ! 'mut 205 L!a' a14 tE'q 120 lokwl'xam. 287 Tcimtca'mi 288 lokwl'xam. 287 

All many something is seized. Axes are seized. 

Ka'stftux, 289 u l txu 113 teimtca'myate 290 xawa'aV 7 u l wan 29 xii u n. 

Get up will he, then just ax with killed he will be. And now he snores. 

Lkla'atc 291 Laa' xu u n. u i wan 29 hau ; tx 292 hitcu' u . 23 Tsi'klya 8 

Open his mouth he snores. Then finally quit (pi.) people. Very 

tcIma'msu'nE. 293 "Llxmiya'yimanL 294 SVs E nl 295 k^xa'yuts, 296 u l 

he is watched " Kill him will we. He us kills he-us, so 

constantly. 

sVtsanl 297 Llxmlya'yun." 208 Lokwl'xam 287 wan 29 ants 60 i^yaxa*'™. 278 

thus we kill will him." Is seized now that boiled (pitch). 

1 'H^'qa^cya 270 ts'f 1 'mu't , miltcl'xmlnx. " 271 Kumi'ntc 38 ci'l 'xil. 276 

" Shore-like, from friend, mayest get burned thou." Not he moves not. 

u l wan 29 xwakl'tc 299 tl'xam 247 ants 60 i^yaxa*'^. 278 Tc!ha u cu' w1300 

So now head on is placed that boiled (pitch). Glad are (pi.) 

ants 60 L!a' ai . 4 S E a 66 ata's 301 ants 60 maqll'nutnE. 302 Huya'uitx 128 

those many. He only that it is danced for. Is changed on 

(one) him his 

2 g3 ctnxl- to think (§ 4); -yax past (§§ 74, 8); -xam present passive (§§ 55, 15). 
28* Exhortative particle (§ 129). 

285 asu- to sleep (§12); -tux future (§73). 

286 laqu. to boil; -Is durative (§§ 69, 8). 

28? Instead of loJcwl'xam (§§ 11, 14); laku- to take; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -xam present passive 
(§55). 

288 See § 109. 

289 last- to get up; -tux future denoting conditionality (§§73, 136, 4). 

290 tcimtca'mi ax (§ 109) ; -a locative case (§§ 86, 8) ; -tc adverbial (§ 90). 
29i lk!m- to open one's mouth; -tc possessive 3d singular (§ 88). 

292 hau- to quit; -tx plural (§80). 

293 tclmdn- to watch; -Isu'nE durative passive (§59). 

^*L!xml- to kill; -ai verbalizing (§§75, 8); -yun exhortative with direct object of third person 
(§§ 41, 8) ; -nl inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 

295 s E a's he (§ 115); -nl inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 

296 JcHx- to disappear; -ai verbalizing (§ 75) ; -uts direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Ta- 
ble, p. 480, and § 8). 

297 s E a'tsa thus (§§ 121, 96); -nl inclusive plural (§24). 

298 iixml- to kill; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75,8); -yun exhortative with direct object of third person 
(§§41,9). 

299 xwaW locative form of xwa'ka head (§86); -tc local (§90). 
boo tdhacu- to feel glad (§ 12); -uwi plural (§79). 

soi Restrictive particle (§ 130). 

Mmaqll- to dance; -In verbal (§§ 81, 9); -utnE passive (§ 58). 



622 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Vtsa. 



ha* 

mind thus. 

Lokwl'xam 287 

Is seized 

ha^mut 205 

all 



SVtsa 8 ants 60 iiiEq!yu' u269 

Thus those dance (pi.) 

ants 60 i^yaxa*'™. 278 u l 

that boiled (pitch). And there 

ants 60 tcimtci'mya. 305 . Wa i204 



prumE. 

noise is made 
with it. 

Laaya'tc!" 1 

mouth into!" 



those 
Still 

So 
,'ai4 



L!a /ai . 4 u l wan 29 skwaha'. 303 

many. Then finally he stands up. 

stim 242 skwaha u ' wi304 L!a' ai4 

stand (pi.) many 

119 tE'q, 120 U l 

axes with (are). Although much something, still 

kumi'ntc 38 kwi'siL 279 " Qwa''nyux 307 tEma' 308 

not he wakes up not. " Pour it it is better 



y a* xa 1 

much 



wan 29 qti'ni'xamimE. 310 



now 



it is poured into 
(his mouth). 



Txu 113 

Just 



mi'ltcistx 311 



begins to burn 
his 



Laa'. 

mouth. 



ma'qlls. 312 



Stim 242 L!a' 

There many keep on dancing. 

h^'mut 205 hi'qfi*. Stim 242 



Mi'ltcist 313 

Begins to burn 

29 



ants 60 

that 



all hair. 

tcimtca'myatc. 290 

ax with. 



There 

Stim 242 

There 



wan 

finally 

tqu'nis 316 

diffuses smoke 
constantly 



hltc. 

man. 

yakli'tcyaxam 3 

was cut into pieces 



Mi'ltcistx 311 

Begins to burn his 

xwa/katc 315 

head his 



ants 60 

that 



mfk!a hltc. 



hltc. 

person. 



xamyax 317 tE 33 mfkla 

was this bad 

Sq^k 237 wan 29 ata's 301 

There now only 

xa'wa a xa u tnE, 319 u l nats 182 

he had been killed, then conditional 

xa u wi' xamyax 317 mi'k!a 

was killed bad me 

wa/nwitsaxax 320 nictcima £ mu. 321 

old-timers (of) custom. 



hawa 1 '. 318 

it ends. 

tsi'klya 3 

very 

hltc. 



Kti il51 

Not 

mi'kla 

bad 

S E atsi'tc 61 

Thus 

Sqa% 237 



nats 182 

if 

L!a' ai . 4 

world. 

29 



Xa u wi'- 

Killed 



Vtsa 3 

thus 



There 



wan i( 

finally 



wan 

finally 

smit'u*'. 322 

it ends. 



Thus 

ata's 301 

only 



303 Skwa'- TO STAND (§§ 3, 112). # 

so* skwa'- to stand (§3); -auwi plural (§79). 

305 tcimtca'mi ax (§ 109); -a locative case (§§ 86, 12, 8). 

308 pin- to make noise; -umE passive (§§ 38, 9). 

307 qu'n- to poub (§§ 7, 112); -yux imperative with indirect object of third person (§ 43). 

308 Exhortative particle (§ 129). 

boo Laaya' locative form of Laa' mouth (§ 86); -tc local (§ 90). 

siogu'ft- to poub; -i (-at) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -xam present passive (§ 55); -wie passive (§ 38). 
3ii Contracted from mi'ltcist E tx (§ 15); maltc-vo bukn (§ 3); -st inchoative (§§ 66, 4); -tx suffix indi- 
cating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33). 

312 maq.'l- to dance; -Is durative (§§69, 9). 

313 maltc- to bubn (§ 3); -st inchoative (§§ 66, 4). 

3K Contracted from ydkH'tcyaxxam (§ 15); yak!- small; -itc modal (§ 94); -yax past (§ 74); -xam 
present passive (§§55, 57). 
nsxwa'ka head; -tc possessive 3d singular (§ 88). 
3i6 tqunl'i smoke (§ 98); -Is durative (§§ 69, 9). 

817 xau- to die; -a* verbalizing (§§ 75, 2, 8, 11); -xamyax past passive (§ 57). 
3i8 hau- to end, to finish; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 

319 Evidently for xa'uyaxaMnE', xau- to die; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -aUns 
passive (§58). 

320 wa'nwits long ago (§ 120); -ax nominal (§§ 101,108). 
«2i See § 103. 

*2« smut'- to end, to finish (§ 12); -ui verbalizing (§ 75). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 623 

[Translation] 

(It happened) long ago. The world was very bad long ago. 
Everywhere it was so, and this was the cause of it: A bad person was 
devouring (the people). Grizzly Bear was devouring them long ago. 
Whenever a man went out hunting, he would kill and devour him. 
Many people felt sorry because of that. So one day the people came 
together and tried to devise some remedy. (They all agreed that 
Grizzly) must be killed. For that reason they came together. Then 
the chiefs of that region said, "We feel very sorry, but how are 
we going to kill him? He can not be killed by means of arrows: 
hence we don't want to kill him with an arrow." Then finally some- 
one suggested to go and see how Grizzly lived, and to invite him (to 
come to the meeting-place). So one man went in search of him. And 
(when the messenger) came to Grizzly's residence, (he said,) " You, too, 
are invited to come to the play-grounds." But Grizzly Bear was not 
willing to go : hence the messenger went back, and, upon returning, 
related thus: "He does not want (to come)." (In the mean while) the 
people who had assembled had lots of fun. (Then after a while an- 
other messenger was sent), and the man who was about to go was told 
thus: "We won't give up. When he is dead, then we will give up." 
Thus it was repeatedly asserted. 

Then finally the man was ordered to go. He was a very poor man. 
"Speak to him carefully, don't tell him anything bad. Tell him thus: 
6 We want you to come here. We are going to have lots of fun.' Thus 
you shall tell him. Don't tell him anything bad. He is shrewd and 
very bad." Then that man started out, thinking (a great deal) to him- 
self, for he was very much afraid (of Grizzly). (And when he came to 
Grizzly, he said,) "I come here as a messenger." (He then told him his 
mission and departed. Not long afterwards Grizzly's friends came to 
visit him and inquired about the messenger's mission). One of them 
said, " What did the man tell you who came (here) ?" — "He said nothing 
(of importance). I was simply informed that I am invited (to some 
games). Thus he. told me: 'People want you to come very much. 
For that purpose I came here as a messenger.' " (After a while an- 
other messenger was sent to Grizzly, requesting him to come at once.) 
Then (Grizzly) said thus (to the messenger): "Will anything be 
given to me, if I come?"— "Nothing was said (about that). People 



624 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

are just playing, and that's why you are invited to come." (Then 
Grizzly said), "You tell them thus: 'He wants something. If some- 
thing be given to him, then he will come.' Thus he says to you." 

(The messenger went back to his people and told them what Grizzly 
said). And he (furthermore) said, "He is shrewd. He thinks (of 
not coming), because he has killed (so many) people. That's why he 
is shrewd." Thus the messenger said. "He was (evidently) told (by 
some friend) that a dance had been arranged for the purpose of 
changing his (mean) disposition, and that everybody dislikes him. 
That's why he replied, 'If something be given to him, then he will 
come.' That's why he told me (so)." 

Then another messenger went to Grizzly. "You tell him thus: 
'A knife will be given to you.' Thus tell him. ' You shall start right 
away, you are invited to come. Many people are playing (there), 
and it is desirable that you should come.' Thus you tell him." And 
that messenger kept on thinking, "I will speak to him. I know 
what to tell him, so that he will start right away." Then the mes- 
senger started. "I will speak to him, and he will start right away.'' 
Thus he was thinking as he kept on going. Finally he came to (Griz- 
zly, and said), "A messenger I come. You are wanted very much. 
Pretty soon the games will come to an end, and for that reason 1 was 
told (to come here). You are my relative. Why don't you want to 
go?" And (Grizzly) answered him thus: "I am wise, that's why I 
don't want to go. It seems to me that I am simply wanted (there) 
to be killed. That's why I am wise." — "Not so, they want you to see 
(the fun). For that purpose (only) you are wanted. Their intentions 
toward you are good. A present will be given to you. For that 
reason you are invited. You are my relative, hence I (came to) fetch 
you. That's why I came quickly. A knife will be given to you, 
because you are invited. I came right away, since j r ou are my 
relative. The reason why I came to you is because I want you to 
have some fun. That's why I came to you. I don't think that any- 
thing bad will happen to you. That's why I was sent." (And Grizzly 
answered,) "Yes, you are a bad man. They want to kill me, that's 
why I don't want (to go)."— "I don't think (it will be) thus. (Not) 
for that purpose I was sent. If it were as you say, I should not have 
been sent. Will you go now?" — "I shall go. You will have to take 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 625 

good care of me." And (the messenger) said thus to (Grizzly): 
" All right, I don't think that airy thing bad will happen (to you) on 
the part of those who play (there)." — "All right, I will go. I don't 
care, even if I die." Thus said (Grizzly) as he started. "I don't 
think (it will be) as (bad as you imagine). Are you coming?" Thus 
said (the messenger) to him. "I should very much like to have you, 
too, at these games." Finally (Grizzly) said, "I will go." So he 
started. And the man who came to fetch him was thinking continually. 
He was thinking thus. 

Now they two kept on going; and when they were almost there, 
the two (chiefs) were told, u They two are coming. He is bringing 
that bad man." So everybody was glad; and when he arrived, people 
assembled about him. "It's very good that you came, O friend ! We 
shall have a great deal of fun." Thus everybody said (to him). Many 
people assembled (around him). Although there were many of them, 
still they all went there (to Grizzly), shouting, "It's very good that 
you came. We will play a great deal. We two will play." (Then 
Grizzly would say,) "All right." — "You shall watch (us). Yousha'n't 
sleep. We will play a great deal." Thus he was constantly told. 
(Everything) had been made ready long ago. It had been decided to 
kill him with pitch during his sleep. Thus it had been agreed upon. 
"Friend, don't sleep! we two will play." Thus people kept on telling 
him. " For that reason you were invited." Thus he was told. "Peo- 
ple who live here know different kinds of games, and you will witness 
all kinds of fun. For that purpose you have been invited. We are 
well disposed (towards you). No mishap will befall you." Thus he 
was constantly told. Whoever came in would tell him thus. "It's 
very good that you came, O friend ! You will see, they will play for 
a long time." And he would (also) be told, "That's why we invited 
you. There is going to be a great deal of fun. " 

At kst he was taken to the play-grounds. A fire was started in 
the house, which, although very large, was nevertheless full of people. 
Grizzly Bear was looking there. "Here we play, those who have 
invited you." He was seated near the fire, which consisted of pitch. 
"It seems to me I see (too) many people." Thus Grizzly was think- 
ing. And the fire in the house kept burning. "Don't sleep, O 
friend! (Not) for that purpose we asked you to come (here)."— "All 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 10 



626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

right! I am glad. I intend to watch the fun." Thus Grizzly was 
saying, seated close to the fire. He was constantly watched. 

(After a while) he began to feel sleepy. Then people kept on 
approaching him, (saying,) ' ' Don't sleep, look on ! For that purpose we 
invited you. We have abandoned all our hatred." (Again) he began 
to feel sleepy, (and again) he was constantly watched. The pitch with 
which he was going to be killed was made ready; while many dancers 
went to him, (saying,) " Move away from the fire, you may get burned, 
friend!" Thus they were telling him. "Don't sleep, friend!"— "I 
feel sleepy." People kept on dancing, while he began to fall asleep. 
" Move away from the fire, you may get burned!" Everybody was 
glad, because he was going to be killed. At last he began to sleep. 
Then people kept on shaking him, saying to him thus: " Move away 
from the fire, you may get burned !" But he did not move. So the 
boiling pitch was brought in, while the people kept on dancing (and 
saying), "Move away from the fire, friend!" But he did not get up. 
He was very sleepy, and (merely) said, " Leave me alone! I intend to 
sleep a while." So the people thought thus: "Let him sleep." And 
while the pitch kept on boiling, they said, "Let him sleep. Move 
away from the fire, O friend !" But he did not move, and (soon) com- 
menced to snore. 

Then people took hold of all kinds of things. They seized axes, 
(because it had been decided that as soon as) he should wake up, they 
would kill him with an ax. He was snoring, keeping his mouth wide 
open. Then the people got ready. They , watched him closely. 
"We will kill him, because he has killed (so many of) us." Then the 
boiling pitch was seized, (and one man shouted,) "Move away from 
the fire, friend, you may get burned!" But he did not move. Then 
they held the boiling pitch over his head, and everybody was 
glad, for the dance had been arranged with the purpose in view of 
getting rid of (the consequences of) his mean disposition. F6*r that 
purpose so many people had been dancing. Finally (one man) stood 
up and took hold of the boiling pitch. And around Grizzly there 
were standing many armed with axes. They made noise with all 
kinds of implements, but he did not wake up. (Then one man said,) 
"Better pour it into his mouth!" So it was poured into his mouth, 
which began to burn (right away). And the people kept on dancing, 



boas] . HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES SIUSLAWAN 627 

(as Grizzly Bear) was consumed (gradually) by the fire. His hair got- 
burned, and then his head was cut into pieces with an ax. And while 
suffering death, he was constantly diffusing smoke. 

Here (the story) ends. If (Grizzly Bear) had not been killed, this 
would have been a very bad place, Thus that man was killed. Such 
was the custom of people living long ago. Here at last it ends. 

Invocation of Rain 1 
Kl^wina^tx 2 L!a /ai . 3 Ya a 'xa j u'lti 4 Llayu's. 5 Na/qutyax 8 

Ice (has on) its (body) world. Much snow ground on. Cold became 

L!a' ai ? 3 k!u z wina i/7 L!a' ai . 3 Ku i8 ni'ctca 9 qa'tcwil 10 ants 11 L!a ,ai . 3 

universe, ice has world. Not how drink not that crowd. 

PaTu 12 ataV 3 u l 14 qatcu^txa^tnE. 15 Haya'mut 16 ttyatc 17 qatcu 1 '- 

Well only then it is drunk from. All people drink 

txa*n. 18 Wa iV19 ya a 'xa* hltc, u l 14 sq^k 20 qatctT'tx. 21 Tci'wa 22 u l 14 

(from) it. Although many people, still there drink (pi.). Water on then 

k!u x wina ir . 7 Ku 18 ni'ctca 9 tcaitci'tc 23 ni'ctcil 24 ants 11 tfyu' wi . 25 

ice appears. Not manner where manner go not those inhabitants. 

Qa^'x 26 k!u x winiyu's 27 qatc E natu' u28 ants 11 hltc L!a' ai . 3 u l 14 

Top along ice on go (pi.) those people many. Then 

wan 29 tExmil'a'mi 30 Llxu'yun 31 ants 11 wa/nwitsaxax 32 nictcima £ mu. 33 

now people old know it that long ago people custom. 

1 See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts (Columbia University Contributions to Anthro- 
pology, vol. iv, pp. 76 et seq.) 

zk.'uxwin- ice (§ 12); -aUx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject 
(§ 33). 

3 Particle (§ 133). 

* See § 98. 

*h!a'ai ground (§ 133); -ms locative case (§§ 86, 9, 8). 

6 naqut- to be cold; -yax past (§ 74). 

7 k.'uxwln- ice (§ 12); -ai verbalizing (§ 75). 
s Particle of negation (§ 131). 

9 Particle (§ 131). 

10 qatcu- to drink; -11 negative (§§ 53, 8). 
» Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 

12 See § 97. 

1 3 Restrictive particle (§ 130). 
"Conjunction (§125). 

15 qatcu- to drink; -ui verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -tx plural (§ 80); -aHws passive (§ 58). 

16 Discriminative form of hai'mut all (§§ 111, 124). 
" Discriminative form of hltc person (§§ 111, 7). 

is qatcu- to drink; -ui verbalizing (§ 75); -tx plural (§ 80); -aun direct object of third person (§ 28). 

is Particle (§ 128). 

20 Local adverb (§ 119). 

ai qatcu- to drink; -ui verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -tx plural (§ 80). 

22 tcl water (§ 88); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 

23 Particle (§§131, 94, 108). 

24 ni'ctca manner (§§131, 135); -11 negative (§§ 53, 9). . 

25 tai-, tl- to live (§ 2); -uwi nominal (§§ 97, 8). 

26 qaux high, top (§ 119); -aix local (§92). 

27 klimui'ni ice (§§ 98, 12); -us locative case (§§ 86, 8). 

28 qatcn- to go (§4); -t present (§§ 72, 4); -uu plural (§79). 

29 Temporal particle (§ 126). 

3 " Discriminative form of tExmi'l-ma (§ 111); tExam strong; -ilma augmentative (§ 84). ' 
3i l.'xu- to know; -ui verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 

32 wa'mvits long ago (§ 119); -ax nominal (§§101, 108). 

33 See § 103. 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



628 

u l 14 tqiiii'yusnE 34 ants 11 tcixni'nE, u l 14 tquli'yiisnE 34 a'l-dii 35 ants 11 

Then is shouted at that Raccoon, and is shouted at also that 

constantly constantly 

tsxu'npil. 36 Lanatli'yusnE, 37 "Tcixni'nE, tcixni'nE, hi'n £ k!itsx 38 

Coyote. He is called constantly, "Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy 

L!a /ai ! 3 Wa'aV 9 tE 40 mo'luptsini'sla! 41 Hi'n £ k!ltsxats 42 L!a' ai ! 3 

Coyote! To rain cause ye two world! 



world! 



Tell to 



this 



Nakwa'yatyanxan, 43 

Poor we 

lanatll'yusnE: 37 

he is called continually: 

Mo'luptsini'sla, 41 

Coyote, 



your 

55 45 



nEqu^txanxan 44 ya a 'xa." 45 u l 14 

cold our (bodies have) we muchly." Then 

"Tcixni'nE, tcixni'nE, hi'n £ k!ltsx 38 

"Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy world! 

hi'n £ k!ltsxats 42 L!a' ai !" 3 u l 14 wan 28 hi'n £ k!ya i46 

world!" Then finally begins to rain 



wan 29 

now 

L!a' ai ! 3 



to ram cause ye two 
your 



L!a' ai . 3 

universe. 



Haya'mut 16 

All 



fry ate 17 

people 



ha'ninitltin. 47 

believe it. 



SVtsa 48 

Thus 



u la u x 49 

and they 
two 



uji4 
then 



tqull'yusnE, 2 

are shouted at 
continually, 

tquhl"nE ? 51 ants 52 

it is shouted, when 

Sqa T k 20 wan 29 

There now 

L!xu'} T un. 31 

know it. 



wan 29 hin £ k !ya l; tx ' 



finally 



causes to rain 
its (body) 



L!a' ai . 

world. 



SVtsa 48 

Thus 



ujl4 
then 



tkwa'myax 53 

closes up that 

hawa 1 '. 55 Smit'u 1 ' 56 

it ends. It ends 



ants 11 inqla'a 1 . 54 



river. 

29 



wan iB sqa ! k. 20 Ta'kin 57 

finally there. This I 



(§§ 24, 4) 

-tx suffix 
24, 4). 



34 tqul- to shout; -at (-i) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -usnE durative passive (§§ 59, 8). . 
as Conjunctfon (§ 125). 
as See § 98. 

a 7 In- to call; -at.'l frequentative (§68); -usnE durative passive (§§ 59, 8). 
s *hin £ k!i- to rain; -at (-1) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2, 9); -tsx imperative (§ 47). 
s» waa- to speak; -ats transitive imperative (§§ 62, 9). 
io Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 
41 Alsea term for coyote. 

« hin s k!l- to rain; -ai (-1) verbalizing (§§ 75, 9, 2); -tsx imperative (§ 47); -ts 2d person dual 
« nakwa'yat- to be poor; -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4, 8). 

44 Contracted from nEqutui'txanxan (§ 15); naqut- to be cold (§ 12); -ui verbalizing (§ 75); 
indicating that object forms an inseparable part of subject (§ 33); -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 
*5 yaax- much; -a modal (§ 96). 

46 hin e k.'l- to rain; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 

47 haninit!- to believe; -un direct object of third person (§ 28). 
43 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 96). 

49 ul then (§ 125); -aux 3d person dual (§24). 

Khin'k.'l- to rain; -at verbalizing (§§75,8); -tx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable, 
part of subject (§ 33). 
si tqul- to shout; -u'ue passive (§ 58). 

52 Particle (§ 131). 

53 tkum- to shut, to close (§§ 7, 112); -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136). 

54 See § 98. 

55 hau- to end; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 

66 smut'- to end (§ 12); -ui verbalizing (§ 75). 

67 taAk this (§§ 115, 12); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — SIUSLAWAN 629 

[Translation] 

(When in former days the) ground was covered with ice, much 
snow (lay) on the ground, and it became very cold, then the people 
had no way of drinking (water freely). From one well only could 
they drink, and all people drank from it. Although many were the 
people, still they all drank there. (And when) ice began to appear 
on the water (of the rivers), then all inhabitants could not go any- 
where. They were forced to go along the surface of the ice. Then 
(at such times there would always be some) old man who knew that 
(ancient) custom of the people of long ago. (He would then tell it to 
his people.) And Raccoon would be invoked, and Coyote likewise 
would be invoked. He would be called by name, "Raccoon, Raccoon, 
cause thy rain (to flow) ! Speak to Coyote ! Cause ye two your rain (to 
flow) ! We are in straits, we are very cold. " Then (once more Rac- 
coon) would be invoked, "Raccoon, Raccoon, cause thy rain (to flow)! 
(You and) Coyote cause ye your (dual) rain (to flow) !" Then at last it 
would rain. All people believed in (the efficacy of this formula). For 
that reason they two would be invoked, (until) it would commence to 
rain. Thus people were shouting whenever (ice) closed up the rivers. 

Now there it ends. It is the finish. (Thus) I know it. 






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